(Continued)

 (1) These are the Armeno-Chalybes, so called by Pliny in
    contradistinction to another mountain tribe in Pontus so named,
    who were famous for their forging, and from whom steel received
    its Greek name {khalups}. With these latter we shall make
    acquaintance later on.

 (2) I.e. with a single point or spike only, the Hellenic spear having
    a spike at the butt end also.

Passing on from thence in four stages of twenty parasangs, they         19
reached a large and prosperous well-populated city, which went by the
name of Gymnias (3), from which the governor of the country sent them a
guide to lead them through a district hostile to his own. This guide
told them that within five days he would lead them to a place from
which they would see the sea, "and," he added, "if I fail of my word,
you are free to take my life." Accordingly he put himself at their
head; but he no sooner set foot in the country hostile to himself than
he fell to encouraging them to burn and harry the land; indeed his
exhortations were so earnest, it was plain that it was for this he had
come, and not out of the good-will he bore the Hellenes.

 (3) Gymnias is supposed (by Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 161)
    to be the same as that which is now called Gumisch-Kana--perhaps
    "at no great distance from Baibut," Tozer, "Turkish Armenia," p.
    432. Others have identified it with Erzeroum, others with Ispir.

On the fifth day they reached the mountain, the name of which was
Theches (4). No sooner had the men in front ascended it and caught
sight of the sea than a great cry arose, and Xenophon, in the
rearguard, catching the sound of it, conjectured that another set of
enemies must surely be attacking in front; for they were followed by
the inhabitants of the country, which was all aflame; indeed the
rearguard had killed some and captured others alive by laying an
ambuscade; they had taken also about twenty wicker shields, covered
with the raw hides of shaggy oxen.

 (4) Some MSS. give "the sacred mountain." The height in question has
    been identified with "the ridge called Tekieh-Dagh to the east of
    Gumisch-Kana, nearer to the sea than that place" (Grote, ib. p.
    162), but the exact place from which they caught sight of the sea
    has not been identified as yet, and other mountain ranges have
    been suggested.

But as the shout became louder and nearer, and those who from time to
time came up, began racing at the top of their speed towards the
shouters, and the shouting continually recommenced with yet greater
volume as the numbers increased, Xenophon settled in his mind that
something extraordinary must have happened, so he mounted his horse,
and taking with him Lycius and the cavalry, he galloped to the rescue.
Presently they could hear the soldiers shouting and passing on the
joyful word, "The sea! the sea!"

Thereupon they began running, rearguard and all, and the baggage        24
animals and horses came galloping up. But when they had reached the
summit, then indeed they fell to embracing one another--generals and
officers and all--and the tears trickled down their cheeks. And on a
sudden, some one, whoever it was, having passed down the order, the
soldiers began bringing stones and erecting a great cairn, whereon
they dedicated a host of untanned skins, and staves, and captured
wicker shields, and with his own hand the guide hacked the shields to
pieces, inviting the rest to follow his example. After this the
Hellenes dismissed the guide with a present raised from the common
store, to wit, a horse, a silver bowl, a Persian dress, and ten
darics; but what he most begged to have were their rings, and of these
he got several from the soldiers. So, after pointing out to them a
village where they would find quarters, and the road by which they
would proceed towards the land of the Macrones, as evening fell, he
turned his back upon them in the night and was gone.

VIII

From this point the Hellenes marched through the country of the         1
Macrones three stages--ten parasangs, and on the first day they
reached the river, which formed the boundary between the land of the
Macrones and the land of the Scythenians. Above them, on their right,
they had a country of the sternest and ruggedest character, and on
their left another river, into which the frontier river discharges
itself, and which they must cross. This was thickly fringed with trees
which, though not of any great bulk, were closely packed. As soon as
they came up to them, the Hellenes proceeded to cut them down in their
haste to get out of the place as soon as possible. But the Macrones,
armed with wicker shields and lances and hair tunics, were already
drawn up to receive them opposite the crossing. They were cheering one
another on, and kept up a steady pelt of stones into the river, though
they failed to reach the other side or do any harm.

At this juncture one of the light infantry came up to Xenophon; he had
been, he said, a slave at Athens, and he wished to tell him that he
recognised the speech of these people. "I think," said he, "that this
must be my native country, and if there is no objection I will have a
talk with them." "No objection at all," replied Xenophon, "pray talk    5
to them, and ask them first, who they are." In answer to this question
they said, "they were Macrones." "Well, then," said he, "ask them why
they are drawn up in battle and want to fight with us." They answered,
"Because you are invading our country." The generals bade him say: "If
so, it is with not intention certainly of doing it or you any harm:
but we have been at war with the king, and are now returning to
Hellas, and all we want is to reach the sea." The others asked, "Were
they willing to give them pledges to that effect?" They replied: "Yes,
they were ready to give and receive pledges to that effect." Then the
Macrones gave a barbaric lance to the Hellenes, and the Hellenes a
Hellenic lance to them: "for these," they said, "would serve as
pledges," and both sides called upon the gods to witness.

After the pledges were exchanged, the Macrones fell to vigorously
hewing down trees and constructing a road to help them across,
mingling freely with the Hellenes and fraternising in their midst, and
they afforded them as good as market as they could, and for three days
conducted them on their march, until they had brought them safely to
the confines of the Colchians. At this point they were confronted by a
great mountain chain, which however was accessible, and on it the
Colchians were drawn up for battle. In the first instance, the
Hellenes drew up opposite in line of battle, as though they were
minded to assault the hill in that order; but afterwards the generals
determined to hold a council of war, and consider how to make the
fairest fight.

Accordingly Xenophon said: "I am not for advancing in line, but advise
to form companies by columns. To begin with, the line," he urged,
"would be scattered and thrown into disorder at once; for we shall
find the mountain full of inequalities, it will be pathless here and
easy to traverse there. The mere fact of first having formed in line,
and then seeing the line thrown into disorder, must exercise a
disheartening effect. Again, if we advance several deep, the enemy
will none the less overlap us, and turn their superfluous numbers to
account as best they like; while, if we march in shallow order, we may
fully expect our line to be cut through and through by the thick rain   11
of missiles and rush of men, and if this happen anywhere along the
line, the whole line will equally suffer. No; my notion is to form
columns by companies, covering ground sufficient with spaces between
the companies to allow the last companies of each flank to be outside
the enemy's flanks. Thus we shall with our extreme companies be
outside the enemy's line, and the best men at the head of their
columns will lead the attack, and every company will pick its way
where the ground is easy; also it will be difficult for the enemy to
force his way into the intervening spaces, when there are companies on
both sides; nor will it be easy for him to cut in twain any individual
company marching in column. If, too, any particular company should be
pressed, the neighbouring company will come to the rescue, or if at
any point any single company succeed in reaching the height, from that
moment not one man of the enemy will stand his ground."

This proposal was carried, and they formed into columns by
companies (1). Then Xenophon, returning from the right wing to the
left, addressed the soldiers. "Men," he said, "these men whom you see
in front of you are the sole obstacles still interposed between us and
the haven of our hopes so long deferred. We will swallow them up
whole, without cooking (2), if we can."

 (1) For this formation, see "The Retreat of the Ten Thousand; a
    military study for all time," by Lieut.-General J. L. Vaughan,
    C.B.

 (2) Or, "we will gobble them up raw." He is thinking of the Homeric
    line ("Iliad", iv. 35) "Perchance wert thou to enter within the
    gates and long walls and devour Priam raw, and Priam's sons and
    all the Trojans, then mightest thou assuage thine anger."--Leaf.

The several divisions fell into position, the companies were formed
into columns, and the result was a total of something like eighty
companies of heavy infantry, each company consisting on an average of
a hundred men. The light infantry and bowmen were arranged in three
divisions--two outside to support the left and the right respectively,
and the third in the centre--each division consisting of about six
hundred men (3).

 (3) This suggests 1800 as the total of the peltasts, 8000 as the total
    of the hoplites, but the companies were probably not limited to
    100, and under "peltasts" were probably included other light
    troops.

Before starting, the generals passed the order to offer prayer; and     16
with the prayer and battle hymn rising from their lips they commenced
their advance. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, and the light infantry with
them, advanced outside the enemy's line to right and left, and the
enemy, seeing their advance, made an effort to keep parallel and
confront them, but in order to do so, as he extended partly to right
and partly to left, he was pulled to pieces, and there was a large
space or hollow left in the centre of his line. Seeing them separate
thus, the light infantry attached to the Arcadian battalion, under
command of Aeschines, an Arcarnanian, mistook the movement for flight,
and with a loud shout rushed on, and these were the first to scale the
mountain summit; but they were closely followed up by the Arcadian
heavy infantry, under command of Cleanor of Orchomenus.

When they began running in that way, the enemy stood their ground no
longer, but betook themselves to flight, one in one direction, one in
another, and the Hellenes scaled the hill and found quarters in
numerous villages which contained supplies in abundance. Here,
generally speaking, there was nothing to excite their wonderment, but
the numbers of bee-hives were indeed astonishing, and so were certain
properties of the honey (4). The effect upon the soldiers who tasted
the combs was, that they all went for the nonce quite off their heads,
and suffered from vomiting and diarrhoea, with a total inability to
stand steady on their legs. A small dose produced a condition not
unlike violent drunkenness, a large one an attack very like a fit of
madness, and some dropped down, apparently at death's door. So they
lay, hundreds of them, as if there had been a great defeat, a prey to
the cruellest despondency. But the next day, none had died; and almost
at the same hour of the day at which they had eaten they recovered
their senses, and on the third or fourth day got on their legs again
like convalescents after a severe course of medical treatment.

 (4) "Modern travellers attest the existence, in these regions, of
    honey intoxicating and poisonous.... They point out the Azalea
    Pontica as the flower from which the bees imbibe this peculiar
    quality."--Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 155.

From this place they marched on two stages--seven parasangs--and        22
reached the sea at Trapezus (5), a populous Hellenic city on the Euxine
Sea, a colony of the Sinopeans, in the territory of the Colchians.
Here they halted about thirty days in the villages of the Colchians,
which they used as a base of operations to ravage the whole territory
of Colchis. The men of Trapezus supplied the army with a market,
entertained them, and gave them, as gifts of hospitality, oxen and
wheat and wine. Further, they negotiated with them in behalf of their
neighbours the Colchians, who dwelt in the plain for the most part,
and from this folk also came gifts of hospitality in the shape of
cattle. And now the Hellenes made preparation for the sacrifice which
they had vowed, and a sufficient number of cattle came in for them to
offer thank-offerings for safe guidance to Zeus the Saviour, and to
Heracles (6), and to the other gods, according to their vows. They
instituted also a gymnastic contest on the mountain side, just where
they were quartered, and chose Dracontius, a Spartan (who had been
banished from home when a lad, having unintentionally slain another
boy with a blow of his dagger), to superintend the course, and be
president of the games.

 (5) Trebizond.

 (6) Or, "to sacrifice to Zeus the Preserver, and to Heracles
    thank-offerings for safe guidance," Heracles "the conductor"
    having special sympathy with wanderers.

As soon as the sacrifices were over, they handed over the hides of the
beasts to Dracontius, and bade him lead the way to his racecourse. He
merely waved his hand and pointed to where they were standing, and
said, "There, this ridge is just the place for running, anywhere,
everywhere." "But how," it was asked, "will they manage to wrestle on
the hard scrubby ground?" "Oh! worse knocks for those who are thrown,"
the president replied. There was a mile race for boys, the majority
being captive lads; and for the long race more than sixty Cretans
competed; there was wrestling, boxing, and the pankration (7).
Altogether it was a beautiful spectacle. There was a large number of
entries, and the emulation, with their companions, male and female,     27
standing as spectators, was immense. There was horse-racing also; the
riders had to gallop down a steep incline to the sea, and then turn
and come up again to the altar, and on the descent more than half
rolled head over heels, and then back they came toiling up the
tremendous steep, scarcely out of a walking pace. Loud were the
shouts, the laughter, and the cheers.

 (7) The pankration combined both wrestling and boxing.

BOOK V

 (In the preceding portion of the narrative a detailed account
is given of all that the Hellenes did, and how they fared on
the march up with Cyrus; and also of all that befell them on
their march subsequently, until they reached the seaboard of
the Euxine Sea, or Pontus, and the Hellenic city of Trapezus,
where they duly offered the sacrifice for safe deliverance
which they had vowed to offer as soon as they set foot on a
friendly soil.)

I

After this they met and took counsel concerning the remainder of the    1
march. The first speaker was Antileon of Thurii. He rose and said:
"For my part, sirs, I am weary by this time of getting kit together
and packing up for a start, of walking and running and carrying heavy
arms, and of tramping along in line, or mounting guard, and doing
battle. The sole desire I now have is to cease from all these pains,
and for the future, since here we have the sea before us, to sail on
and on, 'stretched out in sleep,' like Odysseus, and so to find myself
in Hellas." When they heard these remarks, the soldiers showed their
approval with loud cries of "well said," and then another spoke to the
same effect, and then another, and indeed all present. Then
Cheirisophus got up and said: "I have a friend, sirs, who, as good hap
will have it, is now high admiral, Anaxibius. If you like to send me
to him, I think I can safely promise to return with some men-of-war
and other vessels which will carry us. All you have to do, if you are
really minded to go home by sea, is to wait here till I come. I will
be back ere long." The soldiers were delighted at these words, and      4
voted that Cheirisophus should set sail on his mission without delay.

After him, Xenophon got up, and spoke as follows: "Cheirisophus, it is
agreed, sets out in search of vessels, and we are going to await him.
Let me tell you what, in my opinion, it is reasonable to do while we
are waiting. First of all, we must provide ourselves with necessaries
from hostile territory, for there is not a sufficient market, nor, if
there were, have we, with a few solitary exceptions, the means of
purchase. Now, the district is hostile, so that if you set off in
search of provisions without care and precaution, the chances are that
many of us will be lost. To meet this risk, I propose that we should
organise foraging parties to capture provisions, and, for the rest,
not roam about the country at random. The organisation of the matter
should be left to us." (The resolution was passed.) "Please listen to
another proposal;" he continued: "Some of you, no doubt, will be going
out to pillage. It will be best, I think, that whoever does so should
in each case before starting inform us of his intent, and in what
direction he means to go, so that we may know the exact number of
those who are out and of those who stop behind. Thus we shall be able
to help in preparing and starting the expedition where necessary; and
in case of aid or reinforcements being called for, we shall know in
what direction to proceed; or, again, if the attempt is to be
undertaken by raw or less expert hands, we may throw in the weight of
our experience and advice by endeavouring to discover the strength of
those whom they design to attack." This proposal was also carried.
"Here is another point," he continued, "to which I would draw your
attention. Our enemies will not lack leisure to make raids upon us:
nor is it unnatural, that they should lay plots for us; for we have
appropriated what is theirs; they are seated over us ever on the
watch. I propose then that we should have regular outposts round the
camp. If we take it in succession to do picket and outlook duty, the
enemy will be less able to harry us. And here is another point for
your observation; supposing we knew for certain that Cheirisophus must
return with a sufficient number of vessels, there would be no need of   10
the remark, but as that is still problematical, I propose that we
should try to get together vessels on the spot also. If he comes and
finds us already provided for here, we shall have more ships than we
need, that is all; while, if he fails to bring them, we shall have the
local supply to fall back upon. I see ships sailing past perpetually,
so we have only to ask the loan of some war-ships from the men of
Trapezus, and we can bring them into port, and safeguard them with
their rudders unshipped, until we have enough to carry us. By this
course I think we shall not fail of finding the means of transport
requisite." That resolution was also passed. He proceeded: "Consider
whether you think it equitable to support by means of a general fund
the ships' companies which we so impress, while they wait here for our
benefit, and to agree upon a fare, on the principle of repaying
kindnesses in kind." That too was passed. "Well then," said he, "in
case, after all, our endeavours should not be crowned with success,
and we find that we have not vessels enough, I propose that we should
enjoin on the cities along the seaboard the duty of constructing and
putting in order the roads, which we hear are impassable. They will be
only too glad to obey, no doubt, out of mere terror and their desire
to be rid of us."

This last proposal was met by loud cries and protestations against the
idea of going by land at all. So, perceiving their infatuation, he did
not put the question to the vote, but eventually persuaded the cities
voluntarily to construct roads by the suggestion, "If you get your
roads in good order, we shall all the sooner be gone." They further
got a fifty-oared galley from the Trapezuntines, and gave the command
of it to Dexippus, a Laconian, one of the perioeci (1). This man
altogether neglected to collect vessels on the offing, but slunk off
himself, and vanished, ship and all, out of Pontus. Later on, however,
he paid the penalty of his misdeeds. He became involved in some
meddling and making in Thrace at the court of Seuthes, and was put to
death by the Laconian Nicander. They also got a thirty-oared galley,
the command of which was entrusted to Polycrates, an Athenian, and      16
that officer brought into harbour to the camp all the vessels he could
lay his hands on. If these were laden, they took out the freights and
appointed guards to keep an eye on their preservation, whilst they
used the ships themselves for transport service on the coast. While
matters stood at this point, the Hellenes used to make forays with
varying success; sometimes they captured prey and sometimes they
failed. On one occasion Cleanetus led his own and another company
against a strong position, and was killed himself, with many others of
his party.

 (1) A native of the country parts of Laconia.

II

The time came when it was no longer possible to capture provisions,     1
going and returning to the camp in one day. In consequence of this,
Xenophon took some guides from the Trapezuntines and led half the army
out against the Drilae, leaving the other half to guard the camp. That
was necessary, since the Colchians, who had been ousted from their
houses, were assembled thickly, and sat eyeing them from the heights
above; on the other hand the Trapezuntines, being friendly to the
native inhabitants, were not for leading the Hellenes to places where
it was easy to capture provisions. But against the Drilae, from whom
they personally suffered, they would lead them with enthusiasm, up
into mountainous and scarcely accessible fortresses, and against the
most warlike people of any in the Pontus.

But when the Hellenes had reached the uplands, the Drilae set fire to
all their fastnesses which they thought could be taken easily, and
beat a retreat; and except here and there a stray pig or bullock or
other animal which had escaped the fire there was nothing to capture;
but there was one fastness which served as their metropolis: into this
the different streams of people collected; round it ran a tremendously
deep ravine, and the approaches to the place were difficult. So the
light infantry ran forward five or six furlongs in advance of the
heavy infantry, and crossed the ravine; and seeing quantities of sheep
and other things, proceeded to attack the place. Close at their heels
followed a number of those who had set out on the foray armed with
spears, so that the storming party across the ravine amounted to more
than two thousand. But, finding that they could not take the place by   5
a coup-de-main, as there was a trench running round it, mounded up
some breadth, with a stockade on the top of the earthwork and a
close-packed row of wooden bastions, they made an attempt to run back,
but the enemy fell upon them from the rear. To get away by a sudden
rush was out of the question, since the descent from the fortress into
the ravine only admitted of moving in single file. Under the
circumstances they sent to Xenophon, who was in command of the heavy
infantry. The messenger came and delivered his message: "There is a
fastness choke full of all sorts of stores, but we cannot take it, it
is too strong; nor can we easily get away; the enemy rush out and
deliver battle, and the return is difficult."

On hearing this, Xenophon pushed forward his heavy infantry to the
edge of the ravine, and there ordered them to take up a position,
while he himself with the officers crossed over to determine whether
it were better to withdraw the party already across, or to bring over
the heavy infantry also, on the supposition that the fortress might be
taken. In favour of the latter opinion it was agreed that the retreat
must cost many lives, and the officers were further disposed to think,
they could take the place. Xenophon consented, relying on the victims,
for the seers had announced, that there would be a battle, but that
the result of the expedition would be good. So he sent the officers to
bring the heavy troops across, while he himself remained, having drawn
off all the light infantry and forbidden all sharp-shooting at long
range. As soon as the heavy infantry had arrived, he ordered each
captain to form his company, in whatever way he hoped to make it most
effective in the coming struggle. Side by side together they stood,
these captains, not for the first time to-day competitors for the
award of manly virtue. While they were thus employed, he--the
general--was engaged in passing down his order along the ranks of the
light infantry and archers respectively to march with the javelin on
its thong and the arrow to the string, ready at the word "shoot" to
discharge their missiles, while the light troops were to have their
wallets well stocked with slingstones; lastly, he despatched his        12
adjutants to see to the proper carrying out of these orders.

And now the preparations were complete: the officers and lieutenants
and all others claiming to be peers of these, were drawn up in their
several places. With a glance each was able to command the rest in the
crescent-like disposition which the ground invited. Presently the
notes of the battle hymn arose, the clarion spoke, and with a
thrilling cry in honour of the warrior-god, commenced a rush of the
heavy infantry at full speed under cover of a storm of missiles,
lances, arrows, bullets, but most of all stones hurled from the hand
with ceaseless pelt, while there were some who brought firebrands to
bear. Overwhelmed by this crowd of missiles, the enemy left their
stockades and their bastion towers, which gave Agasias the Stymphalian
and Philoxenus of Pellene a chance not to be missed; laying aside
their heavy arms, up they went in bare tunics only, and one hauled
another up, and meantime another had mounted, and the place was taken,
as they thought. Then the peltasts and light troops rushed in and
began snatching what each man could. Xenophon the while, posted at the
gates, kept back as many of the hoplites as he could, for there were
other enemies now visible on certain strong citadel heights; and after
a lapse of no long time a shout arose within, and the men came running
back, some still clutching what they had seized; and presently here
and there a wounded man; and mighty was the jostling about the
portals. To the questions which were put to them the outpouring
fugitives repeated the same story: there was a citadel within and
enemies in crowds were making savage sallies and beating the fellows
inside.

At that Xenophon ordered Tolmides the herald to proclaim: "Enter all
who are minded to capture aught." In poured the surging multitude, and
the counter-current of persons elbowing their passage in prevailed
over the stream of those who issued forth, until they beat back and
cooped up the enemy within the citadel again. So outside the citadel
everything was sacked and pillaged by the Hellenes, and the heavy
infantry took up their position, some about the stockades, others       19
along the road leading up to the citadel. Xenophon and the officers
meantime considered the possibility of taking the citadel, for if so,
their safety was assured; but if otherwise, it would be very difficult
to get away. As the result of their deliberations they agreed that the
place was impregnable. Then they began making preparations for the
retreat. Each set of men proceeded to pull down the palisading which
faced themselves; further, they sent away all who were useless or who
had enough to do to carry their burdens, with the mass of the heavy
infantry accompanying them; the officers in each case leaving behind
men whom they could severally depend on.

But as soon as they began to retreat, out rushed upon them from within
a host of fellows, armed with wicker shields and lances, greaves and
Paphlagonian helmets. Others might be seen scaling the houses on this
side and that of the road leading into the citadel. Even pursuit in
the direction of the citadel was dangerous, since the enemy kept
hurling down on them great beams from above, so that to stop and to
make off were alike dangerous, and night approaching was full of
terrors. But in the midst of their fighting and their despair some god
gave them a means of safety. All of a sudden, by whatsoever hand
ignited, a flame shot up; it came from a house on the right hand, and
as this gradually fell in, the people from the other houses on the
right took to their heels and fled.

Xenophon, laying this lesson of fortune to heart, gave orders to set
fire to the left-hand houses also, which being of wood burned quickly,
with the result that the occupants of these also took to flight. The
men immediately at their front were the sole annoyance now, and these
were safe to fall upon them as they made their exit and in their
descent. Here then the word was passed for all who were out of range
to bring up logs of wood and pile them between themselves and the
enemy, and when there was enough of these they set them on fire; they
also fired the houses along the trench-work itself, so as to occupy
the attention of the enemy. Thus they got off, though with difficulty,
and escaped from the place by putting a fire between them and the       27
enemy; and the whole city was burnt down, houses, turrets, stockading,
and everything belonging to it except the citadel.

Next day the Hellenes were bent on getting back with the provisions;
but as they dreaded the descent to Trapezus, which was precipitous and
narrow, they laid a false ambuscade, and a Mysian, called after the
name of his nation (Mysus) (1), took ten of the Cretans and halted in
some thick brushy ground, where he made a feint of endeavouring to
escape the notice of the enemy. The glint of their light shields,
which were of brass, now and again gleamed through the brushwood. The
enemy, seeing it all through the thicket, were confirmed in their
fears of an ambuscade. But the army meanwhile was quietly making its
descent; and when it appeared that they had crept down far enough, the
signal was given to the Mysian to flee as fast as he could, and he,
springing up, fled with his men. The rest of the party, that is the
Cretans, saying, "We are caught if we race," left the road and plunged
into a wood, and tumbling and rolling down the gullies were saved. The
Mysian, fleeing along the road, kept crying for assistance, which they
sent him, and picked him up wounded. The party of rescue now beat a
retreat themselves with their face to the foe, exposed to a shower of
missiles, to which some of the Cretan bowmen responded with their
arrows. In this way they all reached the camp in safety.

 (1) Lit. "{Musos} (Mysus), a Mysian by birth, and {Musos} (Mysus) by
    name."

III

Now when Cheirisophus did not arrive, and the supply of ships was       1
insufficient, and to get provisions longer was impossible, they
resolved to depart. On board the vessels they embarked the sick, and
those above forty years of age, with the boys and women, and all the
baggage which the solders were not absolutely forced to take for their
own use. The two eldest generals, Philesius and Sophaenetus, were put
in charge, and so the party embarked, while the rest resumed their
march, for the road was now completely constructed. Continuing their
march that day and the next, on the third they reached Cerasus, a
Hellenic city on the sea, and a colony of Sinope, in the country of
the Colchians. Here they halted ten days, and there was a review and
numbering of the troops under arms, when there were found to be eight   3
thousand six hundred men. So many had escaped; the rest had perished
at the hands of the enemy, or by reason of the snow, or else disease.

At this time and place they divided the money accruing from the
captives sold, and a tithe selected for Apollo and Artemis of the
Ephesians was divided between the generals, each of whom took a
portion to guard for the gods, Neon the Asinaean (1) taking on behalf
of Cheirisophus.

 (1) I.e. of Asine, perhaps the place named in Thuc. iv. 13, 54; vi. 93
    situated on the western side of the Messenian bay. Strabo,
    however, speaks of another Asine near Gytheum, but possibly means
    Las. See Arnold's note to Thuc. iv. 13, and Smith's "Dict. Geog.
    (s.v.)"

Out of the portion which fell to Xenophon he caused a dedicatory
offering to Apollo to be made and dedicated among the treasures of the
Athenians at Delphi (2). It was inscribed with his own name and that of
Proxenus, his friend, who was killed with Clearchus. The gift for
Artemis of the Ephesians was, in the first instance, left behind by
him in Asia at the time when he left that part of the world himself
with Agesilaus on the march into Boeotia (3). He left it behind in
charge of Megabyzus, the sacristan of the goddess, thinking that the
voyage on which he was starting was fraught with danger. In the event
of his coming out of it alive, he charged Megabyzus to restore to him
the deposit; but should any evil happen to him, then he was to cause
to be made and to dedicate on his behalf to Artemis, whatsoever thing
he thought would be pleasing to the goddess.

 (2) Cf. Herod. i. 14; Strabo. ix. 420 for such private treasuries at
    Delphi.

 (3) I.e. in the year B.C. 394. The circumstances under which Agesilaus
    was recalled from Asia, with the details of his march and the
    battle of Coronea, are described by Xenophon in the fourth book of
    the "Hellenica."

In the days of his banishment, when Xenophon was now established by
the Lacedaemonians as a colonist in Scillus (4), a place which lies on   7
the main road to Olympia, Megabyzus arrived on his way to Olympia as a
spectator to attend the games, and restored to him the deposit.
Xenophon took the money and bought for the goddess a plot of ground at
a point indicated to him by the oracle. The plot, it so happened, had
its own Selinus river flowing through it, just as at Ephesus the river
Selinus flows past the temple of Artemis, and in both streams fish and
mussels are to be found. On the estate at Scillus there is hunting and
shooting of all the beasts of the chase that are.

 (4) Scillus, a town of Triphylia, a district of Elis. In B.C. 572 the
    Eleians had razed Pisa and Scillus to the ground. But between B.C.
    392 and 387 the Lacedaemonians, having previously (B.C. 400,
    "Hell." III. ii. 30) compelled the Eleians to renounce their
    supremacy over their dependent cities, colonised Scillus and
    eventually gave it to Xenophon, then an exile from Athens.
    Xenophon resided here from fifteen to twenty years, but was, it is
    said, expelled from it by the Eleians soon after the battle of
    Leuctra, in B.C. 371.--"Dict. Geog. (s.v.)" The site of the place,
    and of Xenophon's temple, is supposed to be in the neighbourhood
    of the modern village of Chrestena, or possibly nearer Mazi. To
    reach Olympia, about 2 1/2 miles distant, one must cross the
    Alpheus.

Here with the sacred money he built an altar and a temple, and ever
after, year by year, tithed the fruits of the land in their season and
did sacrifice to the goddess, while all the citizens and neighbours,
men and women, shared in the festival. The goddess herself provided
for the banqueters meat and loaves and wine and sweetmeats, with
portions of the victims sacrificed from the sacred pasture, as also of
those which were slain in the chase; for Xenophon's own lads, with the
lads of the other citizens, always made a hunting excursion against
the festival day, in which any grown men who liked might join. The
game was captured partly from the sacred district itself, partly from
Pholoe (5), pigs and gazelles and stags. The place lies on the direct
road from Lacedaemon to Olympia, about twenty furlongs from the temple
of Zeus in Olympia, and within the sacred enclosure there is
meadow-land and wood-covered hills, suited to the breeding of pigs and
goats and cattle and horses, so that even the sumpter animals of the
pilgrims passing to the feast fare sumptuously. The shrine is girdled
by a grove of cultivated trees, yielding dessert fruits in their
season. The temple itself is a facsimile on a small scale of the great
temple at Ephesus, and the image of the goddess is like the golden
statue at Ephesus, save only that it is made, not of gold, but of
cypress wood. Beside the temple stands a column bearing this
inscription:--THE PLACE IS SACRED TO ARTEMIS. HE WHO HOLDS IT AND
ENJOYS THE FRUITS OF IT IS BOUND TO SACRIFICE YEARLY A TITHE OF THE     13
PRODUCE. AND FROM THE RESIDUE THEREOF TO KEEP IN REPAIR THE SHRINE. IF
ANY MAN FAIL IN AUGHT OF THIS THE GODDESS HERSELF WILL LOOK TO IT THAT
THE MATTER SHALL NOT SLEEP.

 (5) Pholoe. This mountain (north of the Alpheus) is an offshoot of
    Erymanthus, crossing the Pisatis from east to west, and separating
    the waters of the Peneus and the Ladon from those of the Alpheus
    --"Dict. Geog." (Elis).

IV

From Cerasus they continued the march, the same portion of the troops   1
being conveyed by sea as before, and the rest marching by land. When
they had reached the frontiers of the Mossynoecians (1) they sent to
him Timesitheus the Trapezuntine, who was the proxenos (2) of the
Mossynoecians, to inquire whether they were to pass through their
territory as friends or foes. They, trusting in their strongholds,
replied that they would not give them passage. It was then that
Timesitheus informed them that the Mossynoecians on the farther side
of the country were hostile to these members of the tribe; and it was
resolved to invite the former to make an alliance, if they wished it.
So Timesitheus was sent, and came back with their chiefs. On their
arrival there was a conference of the Mossynoecian chiefs and the
generals of the Hellenes, and Xenophon made a speech which Timesitheus
interpreted. He said: "Men of the Mossynoecians, our desire is to
reach Hellas in safety; and since we have no vessels we must needs go
by foot, but these people who, as we hear, are your enemies, prevent
us. Will you take us for your allies? Now is your chance to exact
vengeance for any wrong, which they at any time may have put upon you,
and for the future they will be your subjects; but if you send us
about our business, consider and ask yourselves from what quarter will
you ever again obtain so strong a force to help you?" To this the
chief of the Mossynoecians made answer:--that the proposal was in
accordance with their wishes and they welcomed the alliance. "Good,"
said Xenophon, "but to what use do you propose to put us, if we become
your allies? And what will you in turn be able to do to assist our
passage?" They replied: "We can make an incursion into this country
hostile to yourselves and us, from the opposite side, and also send     10
you ships and men to this place, who will aid you in fighting and
conduct you on the road."

 (1) I.e. dwellers in mossyns, or wooden towers. See Herod. iii. 94;
    vii. 78. Cf. also Strabo, xi. 41.

 (2) Or, "consul."

On this understanding, they exchanged pledges and were gone. The next
day they returned, bringing three hundred canoes, each hollowed out of
a single trunk. There were three men in each, two of whom disembarked
and fell into rank, whilst the third remained. Then the one set took
the boats and sailed back again, whilst the other two-thirds who
remained marshalled themselves in the following way. They stood in
rows of about a hundred each, like the rows of dancers in a chorus,
standing vis-a-vis to one another, and all bearing wicker shields,
made of white oxhide, shaggy, and shaped like an ivy leaf; in the
right hand they brandished a javelin about six cubits long, with a
lance in front, and rounded like a ball at the butt end of the shaft.

Their bodies were clad in short frocks, scarcely reaching to the knees
and in texture closely resembling that of a linen bedclothes' bag; on
their heads they wore leathern helmets just like the Paphlagonian
helmet, with a tuft of hair in the middle, as like a tiara in shape as
possible. They carried moreover iron battle-axes. Then one of them
gave, as it were, the key-note and started, while the rest, taking up
the strain and the step, followed singing and marking time. Passing
through the various corps and heavy armed battalions of the Hellenes,
they marched straight against the enemy, to what appeared the most
assailable of his fortresses. It was situated in front of the city, or
mother city, as it is called, which latter contains the high citadel
of the Mossynoecians. This citadel was the real bone of contention,
the occupants at any time being acknowledged as the masters of all the
other Mossynoecians. The present holders (so it was explained) had no
right to its possession; for the sake of self-aggrandisement they had
seized what was really common property.

Some of the Hellenes followed the attacking party, not under the
orders of the generals, but for the sake of plunder. As they advanced,
the enemy for a while kept quiet; but as they got near the place, they  16
made a sortie and routed them, killing several of the barbarians as
well as some of the Hellenes who had gone up with them; and so pursued
them until they saw the Hellenes advancing to the rescue. Then they
turned round and made off, first cutting off the heads of the dead men
and flaunting them in the face of the Hellenes and of their own
private foes, dancing the while and singing in a measured strain. But
the Hellenes were much vexed to think that their foes had only been
rendered bolder, while the Hellenes who had formed part of the
expedition had turned tail and fled, in spite of their numbers; a
thing which had not happened previously during the whole expedition.
So Xenophon called a meeting of the Hellenes and spoke as follows:
"Soldiers, do not in any wise be cast down by what has happened, be
sure that good no less than evil will be the result; for to begin
with, you now know certainly that those who are going to guide us are
in very deed hostile to those with whom necessity drives us to
quarrel; and, in the next place, some of our own body, these Hellenes
who have made so light of orderly array and conjoint action with
ourselves, as though they must needs achieve in the company of
barbarians all they could with ourselves, have paid the penalty and
been taught a lesson, so that another time they will be less prone to
leave our ranks. But you must be prepared to show these friendly
barbarians that you are of a better sort, and prove to the enemy that
battle with the undisciplined is one thing, but with men like
yourselves another."

Accordingly they halted, as they were, that day. Next day they
sacrificed and finding the victims favourable, they breakfasted,
formed the companies into columns, and with their barbarians arranged
in similar order on their left, began their march. Between the
companies were the archers only slightly retired behind the front of
the heavy infantry, on account of the enemy's active light troops, who
ran down and kept up volleys of stones. These were held in check by
the archers and peltasts; and steadily step by step the mass marched
on, first to the position from which the barbarians and those with
them had been driven two days back, and where the enemy were now drawn  23
up to meet them. Thus it came to pass that the barbarians first
grappled with the peltasts and maintained the battle until the heavy
infantry were close, when they turned and fled. The peltasts followed
without delay, and pursued them right up to their city, while the
heavy troops in unbroken order followed. As soon as they were up at
the houses of the capital, there and then the enemy, collecting all
together in one strong body, fought valiantly, and hurled their
javelins, or else clenched their long stout spears, almost too heavy
for a man to wield, and did their best to ward off the attack at close
quarters.

But when the Hellenes, instead of giving way, kept massing together
more thickly, the barbarians fled from this place also, and in a body
deserted the fortress. Their king, who sat in his wooden tower or
mossyn, built on the citadel (there he sits and there they maintain
him, all at the common cost, and guard him narrowly), refused to come
forth, as did also those in the fortress first taken, and so were
burnt to a cinder where they were, their mossyns, themselves, and all.
The Hellenes, pillaging and ransacking these places, discovered in the
different houses treasures and magazines of loaves, pile upon pile,
"the ancestral stores," as the Mossynoecians told them; but the new
corn was laid up apart with the straw-stalk and ear together, and this
was for the most part spelt. Slices of dolphin were another discovery,
in narrow-necked jars, all properly salted and pickled; and there was
blubber of dolphin in vessels, which the Mossynoecians used precisely
as the Hellenes use oil. Then there were large stores of nuts on the
upper floor, the broad kind without a division (3). This was also a
chief article of food with them--boiled nuts and baked loaves. Wine
was also discovered. This, from its rough, dry quality, tasted sharp
when drunk pure, but mixed with water was sweet and fragrant.

 (3) I.e. "chestnuts."

The Hellenes breakfasted and then started forward on their march,
having first delivered the stronghold to their allies among the
Mossynoecians. As for the other strongholds belonging to tribes allied
with their foes, which they passed en route, the most accessible were
either deserted by their inhabitants or gave in their adhesion          30
voluntarily. The following description will apply to the majority of
them: the cities were on an average ten miles apart, some more, some
less; but so elevated is the country and intersected by such deep
clefts that if they chose to shout across to one another, their cries
would be heard from one city to another. When, in the course of their
march, they came upon a friendly population, these would entertain
them with exhibitions of fatted children belonging to the wealthy
classes, fed up on boiled chestnuts until they were as white as white
can be, of skin plump and delicate, and very nearly as broad as they
were long, with their backs variegated and their breasts tattooed with
patterns of all sorts of flowers. They sought after the women in the
Hellenic army, and would fain have laid with them openly in broad
daylight, for that was their custom. The whole community, male and
female alike, were fair-complexioned and white-skinned.

It was agreed that this was the most barbaric and outlandish people
that they had passed through on the whole expedition, and the furthest
removed from the Hellenic customs, doing in a crowd precisely what
other people would prefer to do in solitude, and when alone behaving
exactly as others would behave in company, talking to themselves and
laughing at their own expense, standing still and then again capering
about, wherever they might chance to be, without rhyme or reason, as
if their sole business were to show off to the rest of the world.

V

Through this country, friendly or hostile as the chance might be, the   1
Hellenes marched, eight stages in all, and reached the Chalybes. These
were a people few in number, and subject to the Mossynoecians. Their
livelihood was for the most part derived from mining and forging iron.

Thence they came to the Tibarenians. The country of the Tibarenians
was far more level, and their fortresses lay on the seaboard and were
less strong, whether by art or nature. The generals wanted to attack
these places, so that the army might get some pickings, and they would
not accept the gifts of hospitality which came in from the              2
Tibarenians, but bidding them wait till they had taken counsel, they
proceeded to offer sacrifice. After several abortive attempts, the
seers at last pronounced an opinion that the gods in no wise
countenanced war. Then they accepted the gifts of hospitality, and
marching through what was now recognised as a friendly country, in two
days reached Cotyora, a Hellenic city, and a colony of Sinope, albeit
situated in the territory of the Tibarenians (1).

 (1) The MSS. here read, "Up to this point the expedition was conducted
    on land, and the distance traversed on foot from the battle-field
    near Babylon down to Cotyora amounted to one hundred and
    twenty-two stages--that is to say, six hundred and twenty
    parasangs, or eighteen thousand stades, or if measured in time, an
    eight months' march." The words are probably the note of some
    editor or commentator, though it is quite likely that the author
    himself may have gone through such calculations and even have
    inserted them as a note to his text.

Here they halted forty-five days, during which they first of all
sacrificed to the gods, and instituted processions, each set of the
Hellenes according to their several tribes, with gymnastic contests.
Provisions they got in meanwhile, partly from Paphlagonia, partly from
the estates of the Cotyorites, for the latter would neither provide
them a market nor receive their sick within their walls.

Meanwhile ambassadors arrived from Sinope, full of fears, not only for
the Cotyorites and their city, which belonged to Sinope, and brought
in tribute, but also for the territory which, as they had heard, was
being pillaged. Accordingly they came to the camp and made a speech.
Hecatonymus, who was reported to be a clever orator, acted as their
spokesman: "Soldiers," he said, "the city of the Sinopeans has sent us
to offer you, as Hellenes, our compliments and congratulations on your
victories over the barbarians; and next, to express our joyful
satisfaction that you have surmounted all those terrible sufferings of
which we have heard, and have reached this place in safety. As
Hellenes we claim to receive at your hands, as fellow-Hellenes,
kindness and not harm. We have certainly not ourselves set you an
example heretofore of evil treatment. Now the Cotyorites are our
colonists. It was we who gave them this country to dwell in, having     10
taken it from the barbarians; for which reason also they, with the men
of Cerasus and Trapezus, pay us an appointed tribute. So that,
whatever mischief you inflict on the men of Cotyora, the city of
Sinope takes as personal to herself. At the present time we hear that
you have made forcible entry into their city, some of you, and are
quartered in the houses, besides taking forcibly from the Cotyorite
estates whatever you need, by hook and by crook. Now against these
things we enter protest. If you mean to go on so doing, you will drive
us to make friends with Corylas and the Paphlagonians, or any one else
we can find."

To meet these charges Xenophon, on behalf of the soldiers, rose and
said: "As to ourselves, men of Sinope, having got so far, we are well
content to have saved our bodies and our arms. Indeed it was
impossible at one and the same moment to keep our enemies at bay and
to despoil them of their goods and chattels. And now, since we have
reached Hellenic cities, how has it fared with us? At Trapezus they
gave us a market, and we paid for our provisions at a fair market
price. In return for the honour they did us, and the gifts of
hospitality they gave the army, we requited them with honour. Where
the barbarian was friendly to them, we stayed our hands from injury;
or under their escort, we did damage to their enemies to the utmost of
our power. Ask them, what sort of people they found us. They are here,
some of them, to answer for themselves. Their fellow-citizens and the
state of Trapezus, for friendship's sake, have sent them with us to
act as our guides.

"But wherever we come, be it foreign or Hellenic soil, and find no
market for provisions, we are wont to help ourselves, not out of
insolence but from necessity. There have been tribes like the
Carduchians, the Taochians, the Chaldaeans, which, albeit they were
not subject to the great king, yet were no less formidable than
independent. These we had to bring over by our arms. The necessity of
getting provisions forced us; since they refused to offer us a market.
Whereas some other folk, like the Macrones, in spite of their being
barbarians, we regarded as our friends, simply because they did
provide us with the best market in their power, and we took no single   18
thing of theirs by force. But, to come to these Cotyorites, whom you
claim to be your people, if we have taken aught from them, they have
themselves to blame, for they did not deal with us as friends, but
shut their gates in our faces. They would neither welcome us within
nor furnish us with a market without. The only justification they
alleged was that your governor (2) had authorised this conduct.

 (2) Lit. "harmost". The term, denoting properly a governor of the
    islands and foreign cities sent out by the Lacedaemonians during
    their supremacy, came, it would seem, to be adopted by other Greek
    communities under somewhat similar circumstances. Cotyora receives
    a harmost from her mother-city, Sinope. For the Greek colonies
    here mentioned, see Kiepert's "Man. Anct. Geog." (Engl. tr., Mr.
    G. A. Macmillan), p. 63.

"As to your assertion," he continued, turning to Hecatonymus, "that we
have got in by force and have taken up quarters, this is what we did.
We requested them to receive our sick and wounded under cover; and
when they refused to open their gates, we walked in where the place
itself invited us. All the violence we have committed amounts to this,
that our sick folk are quartered under cover, paying for their
expenses, and we keep a sentry at the gates, so that our sick and
wounded may not lie at the mercy of your governor, but we may have it
in our power to remove them whenever we like. The rest of us, you
observe, are camping under the canopy of heaven, in regular rank and
file, and we are ready to requite kindness with kindness, but to repel
evil vigorously. And as for your threat," he said, once again turning
to the spokesman, "that you will, if it suits you, make alliance with
Corylas and the Paphlagonians to attack us, for our part, we have no
objection to fighting both sets of you, if so be we must; we have
already fought others many times more numerous than you. Besides, 'if
it suits us,' as you put it, to make the Paphlagonian our friend
(report says that he has a hankering after your city and some other
places on the seaboard), we can enhance the value of our friendship by
helping to win for him what he covets."

Thereupon the ambassadors showed very plainly their annoyance with
Hecatonymus, on account of the style of his remarks, and one of them
stept forward to explain that their intention in coming was not at all
to raise a war, but on the contrary to demonstrate their friendliness.  24
"And if you come to Sinope itself," the speaker continued, "we will
welcome you there with gifts of hospitality. Meanwhile we will enjoin
upon the citizens of this place to give you what they can; for we can
see that every word of what you say is true." Thereupon the Cotyorites
sent gifts of hospitality, and the generals of the Hellenes
entertained the ambassadors of the Sinopeans. Many and friendly were
the topics of conversation; freely flowed the talk on things in
general; and, in particular, both parties were able to make inquiries
and satisfy their curiosity concerning the remaining portion of the
march.

VI

Such was the conclusion of that day. On the following day the generals  1
summoned an assembly of the soldiers, when it was resolved to invite
the men of Sinope, and to take advice with them touching the remainder
of the journey. In the event of their having to continue it on foot,
the Sinopeans through their acquaintance with Paphlagonia would be
useful to them; while, if they had to go by sea, the services of the
same people would be at a premium; for who but they could furnish
ships sufficient for the army? Accordingly, they summoned their
ambassadors, and took counsel with them, begging them, on the strength
of the sacred ties which bind Hellenes to Hellenes, to inaugurate the
good reception they had spoken of, by present kindliness and their
best advice.

Hecatonymus rose and wished at once to offer an apology with regard to
what he had said about the possibility of making friends with the
Paphlagonians. "The words were not intended," he said, "to convey a
threat, as though they were minded to go to war with the Hellenes, but
as meaning rather: albeit we have it in our power to be friendly with
the barbarians, we will choose the Hellenes." Then, being urged to aid
them by some advice, with a pious ejaculation, he commenced: "If I
bestow upon you the best counsel I am able, God grant that blessings
in abundance may descend on me; but if the contrary, may evil betide    4
me! 'Sacred counsel (1),' as the saying goes--well, sirs, if ever the
saying held, it should hold I think to-day; when, if I be proved to
have given you good counsel, I shall not lack panegyrists, or if evil,
your imprecations will be many-tongued.

 (1) Cf. Plato, "Theages," 122.

"As to trouble, I am quite aware, we shall have much more trouble if
you are conveyed by sea, for we must provide the vessels; whereas, if
you go by land, all the fighting will evolve on you. Still, let come
what may, it behoves me to state my views. I have an intimate
acquaintance with the country of the Paphlagonians and their power.
The country possesses the two features of hill and vale, that is to
say, the fairest plains and the highest mountains. To begin with the
mountains, I know the exact point at which you must make your entry.
It is precisely where the horns of a mountain tower over both sides of
the road. Let the merest handful of men occupy these and they can hold
the pass with ease; for when that is done not all the enemies in the
world could effect a passage. I could point out the whole with my
finger, if you like to send any one with me to the scene.

"So much for the mountain barrier. But the next thing I know is that
there are plains and a cavalry which the barbarians themselves hold to
be superior to the entire cavalry of the great king. Why, only the
other day these people refused to present themselves to the summons of
the king; their chief is too proud for that.

"But now, supposing you were able to seize the mountain barrier, by
stealth, or expedition, before the enemy could stop you; supposing
further, you were able to win an engagement in the plain against not
only their cavalry but their more than one hundred and twenty thousand
infantry--you will only find yourself face to face with rivers, a
series of them. First the Thermodon, three hundred feet broad, which I
take it will be difficult to pass, especially with a host of foes in
front and another following behind. Next comes the Iris river, three
hundred feet broad; and thirdly, the Halys, at least two furlongs
broad, which you could not possibly cross without vessels, and who is
going to supply you with vessels? In the same way too the Parthenius    9
is impassable, which you will reach if you cross the Halys. For my
part, then, I consider the land-journey, I will not say difficult, but
absolutely impossible for you. Whereas if you go by sea, you can coast
along from here to Sinope, and from Sinope to Heraclea. From Heraclea
onwards there is no difficulty, whether by land or by sea; for there
are plenty of vessels at Heraclea."

After he had finished his remarks, some of his hearers thought they
detected a certain bias in them. He would not have spoken so, but for
his friendship with Corylas, whose official representative he was.
Others guessed he had an itching palm, and that he was hoping to
receive a present for his "sacred advice." Others again suspected that
his object was to prevent their going by foot and doing some mischief
to the country of the Sinopeans. However that might be, the Hellenes
voted in favour of continuing the journey by sea. After this Xenophon
said: "Sinopeans, the army has chosen that method of procedure which
you advise, and thus the matter stands. If there are sure to be
vessels enough to make it impossible for a single man to be left
behind, go by sea we will; but if part of us are to be left while part
go by sea, we will not set foot on board the vessels. One fact we
plainly recognise, strength is everything to us. So long as we have
the mastery, we shall be able to protect ourselves and get provisions;
but if we are once caught at the mercy of our foes, it is plain, we
shall be reduced to slavery." On hearing this the ambassadors bade
them send an embassy, which they did, to wit, Callimachus the
Arcadian, and Ariston the Athenian, and Samolas the Achaean.

So these set off, but meanwhile a thought shaped itself in the mind of
Xenophon, as there before his eyes lay that vast army of Hellene
hoplites, and that other array of peltasts, archers, and slingers,
with cavalry to boot, and all in a state of thorough efficiency from
long practice, hardened veterans, and all collected in Pontus, where
to raise so large a force would cost a mint of money. Then the idea
dawned upon him: how noble an opportunity to acquire new territory and  15
power for Hellas, by the founding of a colony--a city of no mean size,
moreover, said he to himself, as he reckoned up their own numbers--and
besides themselves a population planted on the shores of Pontus.
Thereupon he summoned Silanus the Ambraciot, the soothsayer of Cyrus
above mentioned, and before breathing a syllable to any of the
soldiers, he consulted the victims by sacrifice.

But Silanus, in apprehension lest these ideas might embody themselves,
and the army be permanently halted at some point or other, set a tale
going among the men, to the effect that Xenophon was minded to detain
the army and found a city in order to win himself a name and acquire
power, Silanus himself being minded to reach Hellas with all possible
speed, for the simple reason that he had still got the three thousand
darics presented to him by Cyrus on the occasion of the sacrifice when
he hit the truth so happily about the ten days. Silanus's story was
variously received, some few of the soldiers thinking it would be an
excellent thing to stay in that country; but the majority were
strongly averse. The next incident was that Timasion the Dardanian,
with Thorax the Boeotian, addressed themselves to some Heracleot and
Sinopean traders who had come to Cotyora, and told them that if they
did not find means to furnish the army with pay sufficient to keep
them in provisions on the homeward voyage, all that great force would
most likely settle down permanently in Pontus. "Xenophon has a pet
idea," they continued, "which he urges upon us. We are to wait until
the ships come, and then we are suddenly to turn round to the army and
say: 'Soldiers, we now see the straits we are in, unable to keep
ourselves in provisions on the return voyage, or to make our friends
at home a little present at the end of our journey. But if you like to
select some place on the inhabited seaboard of the Black Sea which may
take your fancy and there put in, this is open to you to do. Those who
like to go home, go; those who care to stay here, stay. You have got    20
vessels now, so that you can make a sudden pounce upon any point you
choose.'"

The merchants went off with this tale and reported it to every city
they came to in turn, nor did they go alone, but Timasion the
Dardanian sent a fellow-citizen of his own, Eurymachus, with the
Boeotian Thorax, to repeat the same story. So when it reached the ears
of the men of Sinope and the Heracleots, they sent to Timasion and
pressed him to accept of a gratuity, in return for which he was to
arrange for the departure of the troops. Timasion was only too glad to
hear this, and he took the opportunity when the soldiers were convened
in meeting to make the following remarks: "Soldiers," he said, "do not
set your thoughts on staying here; let Hellas, and Hellas only, be the
object of your affection, for I am told that certain persons have been
sacrificing on this very question, without saying a word to you. Now I
can promise you, if you once leave these waters, to furnish you with
regular monthly pay, dating from the first of the month, at the rate
of one cyzicene (2) a head per month. I will bring you to the Troad,
from which part I am an exile, and my own state is at your service.
They will receive me with open arms. I will be your guide personally,
and I will take you to places where you will get plenty of money. I
know every corner of the Aeolid, and Phrygia, and the Troad, and
indeed the whole satrapy of Pharnabazus, partly because it is my
birthplace, partly from campaigns in that region with Clearchus and
Dercylidas (3)."

 (2) A cyzicene stater = twenty-eight silver drachmae of Attic money
    B.C. 335, in the time of Demosthenes; but, like the daric, this
    gold coin would fluctuate in value relatively to silver. It
    contained more grains of gold than the daric.

 (3) Of Dercylidas we hear more in the "Hellenica." In B.C. 411 he was
    harmost at Abydos; in B.C. 399 he superseded Thimbron in Asia
    Minor; and was himself superseded by Agesilaus in B.C. 396.

No sooner had he ceased than up got Thorax the Boeotian. This was a
man who had a standing battle with Xenophon about the generalship of
the army. What he said was that, if they once got fairly out of the
Euxine, there was the Chersonese, a beautiful and prosperous country,
where they could settle or not, as they chose. Those who liked could
stay; and those who liked could return to their homes; how ridiculous   25
then, when there was so much territory in Hellas and to spare, to be
poking about (4) in the land of the barbarian. "But until you find
yourselves there," he added, "I, no less than Timasion, can guarantee
you regular pay." This he said, knowing what promises had been made
Timasion by the men of Heraclea and Sinope to induce them to set sail.

 (4) The word {masteuein} occurs above, and again below, and in other
    writings of our author. It is probably Ionic or old Attic, and
    occurs in poetry.

Meanwhile Xenophon held his peace. Then up got Philesius and Lycon,
two Achaeans: "It was monstrous," they said, "that Xenophon should be
privately persuading people to stop there, and consulting the victims
for that end, without letting the army into the secret, or breathing a
syllable in public about the matter." When it came to this, Xenophon
was forced to get up, and speak as follows: "Sirs, you are well aware
that my habit is to sacrifice at all times; whether in your own behalf
or my own, I strive in every thought, word, and deed to be directed as
is best for yourselves and for me. And in the present instance my sole
object was to learn whether it were better even so much as to broach
the subject, and so take action, or to have absolutely nothing to do
with the project. Now Silanus the soothsayer assured me by his answer
of what was the main point: 'the victims were favourable.' No doubt
Silanus knew that I was not unversed myself in his lore, as I have so
often assisted at the sacrifice; but he added that there were symptoms
in the victims of some guile or conspiracy against me. That was a
happy discovery on his part, seeing that he was himself conspiring at
the moment to traduce me before you; since it was he who set the tale
going that I had actually made up my mind to carry out these projects
without procuring your consent. Now, for my part, if I saw that you     30
were in any difficulties, I should set myself to discover how you
might capture a city, on the understanding of course that all who
wished might sail away at once, leaving those who did not wish, to
follow at a later date, with something perhaps in their pockets to
benefit their friends at home. Now, however, as I see that the men of
Heraclea and Sinope are to send you ships to assist you to sail away,
and more than one person guarantees to give you regular monthly pay,
it is, I admit, a rare chance to be safely piloted to the haven of our
hopes, and at the same time to receive pay for our preservation. For
myself I have done with that dream, and to those, who came to me to
urge these projects, my advice is to have done with them. In fact,
this is my view. As long as you stay together united as to-day, you
will command respect and procure provisions; for might certainly
exercises a right over what belongs to the weaker. But once broken up,
with your force split into bits, you will neither be able to get
subsistence, nor indeed will you get off without paying dearly for it.
In fact, my resolution coincides precisely with yours. It is that we
should set off for Hellas, and if any one stops behind, or is caught
deserting before the whole army is in safety, let him be judged as an
evil-doer. Pray let all who are in favour of this proposition hold up
their hands."

They all held them up; only Silanus began shouting and vainly striving
to maintain the right of departure for all who liked to depart. But
the soldiers would not suffer him, threatening him that if he were
himself caught attempting to run away they would inflict the aforesaid
penalty. After this, when the Heracleots learned that the departure by
sea was resolved upon, and that the measure itself emanated from
Xenophon, they sent the vessels indeed; but as to the money which they
had promised to Timasion and Thorax as pay for the soldiers, they were
not as good as their word, in fact they cheated them both. Thus the
two who had guaranteed regular monthly pay were utterly confounded,
and stood in terror of the soldiers. What they did then, was to take
to them the other generals to whom they had communicated their former
transactions (that is to say, all except Neon the Asniaean, who, as
lieutenant-general, was acting for Cheirisophus during his continued
absence). This done they came in a body to Xenophon and said that       36
their views were changed. As they had now got the ships, they thought
it best to sail to the Phasis, and seize the territory of the Phasians
(whose present king was a descendant of Aeetes (5)). Xenophon's reply
was curt:--Not one syllable would he have to say himself to the army
in this matter, "But," he added, "if you like, you can summon an
assembly and have your say." Thereupon Timasion the Dardanian set
forth as his opinion:--It were best to hold no parliament at present,
but first to go and conciliate, each of them, his own officers. Thus
they went away and proceeded to execute their plans.

 (5) Aeetes is the patronym of the kings of Colchis from mythical times
    onwards; e.g. Medea was the daughter of Aeetes.

VII

Presently the soldiers came to learn what was in course of agitation,   1
and Neon gave out that Xenophon had persuaded the other generals to
adopt his views, and had a plan to cheat the soldiers and take them
back to the Phasis. The soldiers were highly indignant; meetings were
held; little groups gathered ominously; and there seemed an alarming
probability that they would repeat the violence with which they had
lately treated the heralds of the Colchians and the clerks of the
market; when all who did not save themselves by jumping into the sea
were stoned to death. So Xenophon, seeing what a storm was brewing,
resolved to anticipate matters so far as to summon a meeting of the
men without delay, and thus prevent their collecting of their own
accord, and he ordered the herald to announce an assembly. The voice
of the herald was no sooner heard than they rushed with great
readiness to the place of meeting. Then Xenophon, without accusing the
generals of having come to him, made the following speech: "I hear
that a charge is brought against me. It is I apparently who am going
to cheat you and carry you off to Phasis. I beg you by all that is
holy to listen to me; and if there be found any guilt in me, let me
not leave this place till I have paid the penalty of my misdoing; but
if my accusers are found guilty, treat them as they deserve. I
presume, sirs, you know where the sun rises and where he sets, and
that he who would go to Hellas must needs journey towards the sunset;
whereas he who seeks the land of the barbarian must contrariwise fix    6
his face towards the dawn. Now is that a point in which a man might
hope to cheat you? Could any one make you believe that the sun rises
here and sets there, or that he sets here and rises there? And
doubtless you know this too, that it is Boreas, the north wind, who
bears the mariner out of Pontus towards Hellas, and the south wind
inwards towards the Phasis, whence the saying--

      "'When the North wind doth blow
        Home to Hellas we will go (1).'

 (1) Whether this was a local saying or a proverb I cannot say. The
    words have a poetical ring about them: "When Borrhas blows, fair
    voyages to Hellas."

"He would be a clever fellow who could befool you into embarking with
a south wind blowing. That sounds all very well, you think, only I may
get you on board during a calm. Granted, but I shall be on board my
one ship, and you on board another hundred at least, and how am I to
constrain you to voyage with me against your will, or by what cajolery
shall I carry you off? But I will imagine you so far befooled and
bewitched by me, that I have got you to the Phasis; we proceed to
disembark on dry land. At last it will come out, that wherever you
are, you are not in Hellas, and the inventor of the trick will be one
sole man, and you who have been caught by it will number something
like ten thousand with swords in your hands. I do not know how a man
could better ensure his own punishment than by embarking on such a
policy with regards to himself and you.

"Nay, these tales are the invention of silly fellows who are jealous
of the honour you bestow on me. A most uncalled-for jealousy! Do I
hinder any of them from speaking any word of import in his power? of
striking a blow in your behalf and his own, if that is his choice? or,
finally, of keeping his eyes and ears open to secure your safety? What
is it? In your choice of leaders do I stand in the way of any one, is
that it? Let him step forward, I yield him place; he shall be your
general; only he must prove that he has your good at heart.

"For myself, I have done; but for yourselves, if any of you conceive    11
either that he himself could be the victim of a fraud, or that he
could victimise any one else in such a thing as this, let him open his
lips and explain to us how. Take your time, but when you have sifted
the matter to your hearts' content, do not go away without suffering
me to tell you of something which I see looming. If it should burst
upon us and prove in fact anything like what it gives signs of being
now, it is time for us to take counsel for ourselves and see that we
do not prove ourselves to be the worst and basest of men in the sight
of gods and men, be they friends or be they foes." The words moved the
curiosity of the soldiers. They marvelled what this matter might be,
and bade him explain. Thereupon he began again: "You will not have
forgotten certain places in the hills--barbaric fastnesses, but
friendly to the Cerasuntines--from which people used to come down and
sell us large cattle and other things which they possessed, and if I
mistake not, some of you went to the nearest of these places and made
purchases in the market and came back again. Clearetus the captain
learnt of this place, that it was but a little one and unguarded. Why
should it be guarded since it was friendly? so the folk thought. Thus
he stole upon it in the dead of night, and meant to sack it without
saying a word to any of us. His design was, if he took the place, not
to return again to the army, but to mount a vessel which, with his
messmates on board her, was sailing past at the time, and stowing away
what he had seized, to set sail and begone beyond the Euxine. All this
had been agreed upon and arranged with his comrades on board the
vessel, as I now discover. Accordingly, he summoned to his side all
whom he could persuade, and set off at their head against the little
place. But dawn overtook him on his march. The men collected out of
their strongholds, and whether from a distance or close quarters, made
such a fight that they killed Clearetus and a good many of the rest,
and only a few of them got safe back to Cerasus.

"These things took place on the day on which we started to come hither
on foot; while some of those who were to go by sea were still at
Cerasus, not having as yet weighed anchor. After this, according to     17
what the Cerasuntines state, there arrived three inhabitants of the
place which had been attacked; three elderly men, seeking an interview
with our public assembly. Not finding us, they addressed themselves to
the men of Cerasus, and told them, they were astonished that we should
have thought it right to attack them; however, when, as the
Cerasuntines assert, they had assured them that the occurrence was not
authorised by public consent, they were pleased, and proposed to sail
here, not only to state to us what had occurred, but to offer that
those who were interested should take up and bury the bodies of the
slain.

"But among the Hellenes still at Cerasus were some of those who had
escaped. They found out in which direction the barbarians were minded
to go, and not only had the face themselves to pelt them with stones,
but vociferously encouraged their neighbours to do the same. The three
men--ambassadors, mark you--were slain, stoned to death. After this
occurrence, the men of Cerasus came to us and reported the affair, and
we generals, on being informed, were annoyed at what had taken place,
and took counsel with the Cerasuntines how the dead bodies of the
Hellenes might be buried. While seated in conclave outside the camp,
we suddenly were aware of a great hubbub. We heard cries: 'Cut them
down!' 'Shoot them!' 'Stone them!' and presently we caught sight of a
mass of people racing towards us with stones in their hands, and
others picking them up. The Cerasuntines, naturally enough,
considering the incident they had lately witnessed, retired in terror
to their vessels, and, upon my word, some of us did not feel too
comfortable. All I could do was to go to them and inquire what it all
meant. Some of them had not the slightest notion, although they had
stones in their hands, but chancing on some one who was better
informed, I was told by him that 'the clerks of the market were
treating the army most scandalously.' Just then some one got sight of
the market clerk, Zelarchus, making his way off towards the sea, and
lifted up his voice aloud, and the rest responding to the cry as if a   24
wild boar or a stag had been started, they rushed upon him.

"The Cerasuntines, seeing a rush in their direction, thought that,
without a doubt, it was directed against themselves, and fled with all
speed and threw themselves into the sea, in which proceeding they were
imitated by some few of our own men, and all who did not know how to
swim were drowned. But now, what do you think of their case, these men
of Cerasus? They had done no wrong. They were simply afraid that some
madness had seized us, like that to which dogs are liable.

"I say then, if proceedings like this are to be the order of the day,
you had better consider what the ultimate condition of the army is
like to be. As a body you will not have it in your power to undertake
war against whom you like, or to conclude peace. But in private any
one who chooses will conduct the army on any quest which takes his
fancy. And when ambassadors come to you to demand peace, or whatever
it may be, officious people will put them to death and prevent your
hearing the proposals which brought them to you. The next step will be
that those whom you as a body may choose as generals will be of no
account; but any one who likes to elect himself general, and will
adopt the formula 'Shoot him! shoot him!' will be competent to cut
down whomsoever he pleases untried, be it general or private soldier,
if only he have sufficient followers, as was the case just now. But
just consider what these self-appointed generals have achieved for
you. Zelarchus, the clerk of the market, may possibly have done you a
wrong; if so, he has sailed off and is gone without paying you any
penalty; or he may be guiltless, in which case we have driven him from
the army in terror of perishing unjustly without a trial. While those
who stoned the ambassadors have contrived so cleverly that we alone of
all Hellenes cannot approach Cerasus safely without a strong force,
and the corpses which the very men who slew them themselves invited us
to bury, we cannot now pick up with safety even under a flag of truce.
Who indeed would care to carry a flag of truce, or go as a herald with  30
the blood of heralds upon his hands? All we could do was to implore
the Cerasuntines to bury them.

"If then you approve of such doings, have a resolution passed to that
effect, so that, with a prospect of like occurrences in the future, a
man may privately set up a guard and do his best to fix his tent where
he can find a strong position with a commanding site. If, however,
these seem to you to be the deeds rather of wild beasts than of human
beings, bethink you of some means by which to stay them; or else, in
heaven's name, how shall we do sacrifice to the gods gladly, with
impious deeds to answer for? or how shall we, who lay the knife to
each other's throats, give battle to our enemies? What friendly city
will receive us when they see rampant lawlessness in our midst? Who
will have the courage to afford us a market, when we prove our
worthlessness in these weightiest concerns? and what becomes of the
praise we expect to win from the mouths of men? who will vouchsafe it
to us, if this is our behaviour? Should we not ourselves bestow the
worst of names on the perpetrators of like deeds?"

After this they rose, and, as one man, proposed that the ringleaders
in these matters should be punished; and that for the future, to set
an example of lawlessness should be forbidden. Every such ringleader
was to be prosecuted on the capital charge; the generals were to bring
all offenders to the bar of justice; prosecutions for all other
misdemeanours committed since the death of Cyrus were to be
instituted; and they ended by constituting the officers into a board
of dicasts (2); and upon the strong representation of Xenophon, with
the concurrence of the soothsayers, it was resolved to purify the
army, and this purification was made.

 (2) I.e. a board of judges or jurors.

VIII

It was further resolved that the generals themselves should undergo a   1
judicial examination in reference to their conduct in past time. In
course of investigation, Philesius and Xanthicles respectively were
condemned to pay a sum of twenty minae, to meet a deficiency to that
amount incurred during the guardianship of the cargoes of the
merchantmen. Sophaenetus was fined ten minae for inadequate performance
of his duty as one of the chief officers selected. Against Xenophon a
charge was brought by certain people, who asserted that they had been
beaten by him, and framed the indictment as one of personal outrage
with violence (1). Xenophon got up and demanded that the first speaker
should state "where and when it was he had received these blows." The
other, so challenged, answered, "When we were perishing of cold and
there was a great depth of snow." Xenophon said: "Upon my word, with
weather such as you describe, when our provisions had run out, when
the wine could not even be smelt, when numbers were dropping down dead
beat, so acute was the suffering, with the enemy close on our heels;
certainly, if at such a season as that I was guilty of outrage, I
plead guilty to being a more outrageous brute than the ass, which is
too wanton, they say, to feel fatigue. Still, I wish you would tell
us," said he, "what led to my striking you. Did I ask you for
something and, on your refusing it to me, did I proceed to beat you?
Was it a debt, for which I demanded payment? or a quarrel about some
boy or other? Was I the worse for liquor, and behaving like a
drunkard?" When the man met each of these questions with a negative,
he questioned him further: "Are you a heavy infantry soldier?" "No,"
said he. "A peltast, then?" "No, nor yet a peltast"; but he had been
ordered by his messmates to drive a mule, although he was a free man.   5
Then at last he recognised him, and inquired: "Are you the fellow who
carried home the sick man?" "Yes, I am," said he, "thanks to your
driving; and you made havoc of my messmates' kit." "Havoc!" said
Xenophon: "Nay, I distributed it; some to one man, some to another to
carry, and bade them bring the things safely to me; and when I got
them back I delivered them all safely to you, and you, on your side,
had rendered an account to me of the man. Let me tell you," he
continued, turning to the court, "what the circumstances were; it is
worth hearing:--

 (1) See the "Dict. of Antiq." 622 a. HYBREOS GRAPHE. In the case of
    common assaults as opposed to indecent assault, the prosecution
    seems to have been allowable only when the object of a wanton
    attack was a free person. Cf. Arist. "Rhet." ii. 24.

"A man was left behind from inability to proceed farther; I recognised
the poor fellow sufficiently to see that he was one of ours, and I
forced you, sir, to carry him to save his life. For if I am not much
mistaken, the enemy were close at our heels?" The fellow assented to
this. "Well then," said Xenophon, "after I had sent you forward, I
overtook you again, as I came up with the rearguard; you were digging
a trench with intent to bury the man; I pulled up and said something
in commendation; as we stood by the poor fellow twitched his leg, and
the bystanders all cried out, 'Why, the man's alive!' Your remark was:
'Alive or not as he likes, I am not going to carry him' Then I struck
you. Yes! you are right, for it looked very much as if you knew him to
be alive." "Well," said he, "was he any the less dead when I reported
him to you?" "Nay," retorted Xenophon, "by the same token we shall all
one day be dead, but that is no reason why meantime we should all be
buried alive?" Then there was a general shout: "If Xenophon had given
the fellow a few more blows, it might have been better." The others
were now called upon to state the grounds on which they had been
beaten in each case; but when they refused to get up, he proceeded to
state them himself.

"I confess, sirs, to having struck certain men for failure in
discipline. These were men who were quite content to owe their safety
to us. Whilst the rest of the world marched on in rank and did
whatever fighting had to be done, they preferred to leave the ranks,
and rush forward to loot and enrich themselves at our expense. Now, if  13
this conduct were to be the rule, general ruin would be the result. I
do not deny that I have given blows to this man or the other who
played the poltroon and refused to get up, helplessly abandoning
himself to the enemy; and so I forced them to march on. For once in
the severe wintry weather I myself happened to sit down for a long
time, whilst waiting for a party who were getting their kit together,
and I discovered how difficult it was to get up again and stretch
one's legs. After this personal experience, whenever I saw any one
else seated in slack and lazy mood, I tried to spur him on. The mere
movement and effort to play the man caused warmth and moisture,
whereas it was plain that sitting down and keeping quiet helped the
blood to freeze and the toes to mortify, calamities which really
befell several of the men, as you yourselves are aware.

"I can imagine a third case, that of some straggler stopping behind,
merely to rest for rest's sake, and hindering you in front and us
behind alike from pressing on the march. If he got a blow with the
fist from me it saved him a thrust with the lance from the enemy. In
fact, the opportunity they enjoy to-day of taking vengeance on me for
any treatment which I put upon them wrongfully, is derived from their
salvation then; whereas, if they had fallen into the enemy's hands,
let them ask themselves for what outrage, however great, they could
expect to get satisfaction now. My defence," he continued, "is simple:
if I chastised any one for his own good, I claim to suffer the same
penalties as parents pay their children or masters their boys. Does
not the surgeon also cauterise and cut us for our good? But if you
really believe that these acts are the outcome of wanton insolence, I
beg you to observe that although to-day, thank God! I am heartier than
formerly, I wear a bolder front now than then, and I drink more wine,
yet I never strike a soul; no, for I see that you have reached smooth
water. When storm arises, and a great sea strikes the vessel
amidships, a mere shake of the head will make the look-out man furious
with the crew in the forecastle, or the helmsman with the men in the
stern sheets, for at such a crisis even a slight slip may ruin
everything. But I appeal to your own verdict, already recorded, in      21
proof that I was justified in striking these men. You stood by, sirs,
with swords, not voting tablets, in your hands, and it was in your
power to aid the fellows if you liked; but, to speak the honest truth,
you neither aided them nor did you join me in striking the disorderly.
In other words, you enabled any evilly-disposed person among them to
give rein to his wantonness by your passivity. For if you will be at
pains to investigate, you will find that those who were then most
cowardly are the ringleaders to-day in brutality and outrage.

"There is Boiscus the boxer, a Thessalian, what a battle he fought
then to escape carrying his shield! so tired was he, and to-day I am
told he has stripped several citizens of Cotyora of the clothes on
their backs. If then you are wise, you will treat this personage in a
way the contrary to that in which men treat dogs. A savage dog is tied
up on the day and loosed at night, but if you are wise you will tie
this fellow up at night and only let him loose in the day.

"But really," he added, "it does surprise me with what keenness you
remember and recount the times when I incurred the hatred of some one;
but some other occasions when I eased the burden of winter and storm
for any of you, or beat off an enemy, or helped to minister to you in
sickness and want, not a soul of you remembers these. Or when for any
noble deed done by any of you I praised the doer, and according to my
ability did honour to this brave man or that; these things have
slipped from your memories, and are clean forgotten. Yet it were
surely more noble, just, and holy, sweeter and kindlier to treasure
the memory of good rather than of evil."

He ended, and then one after another of the assembly got up and began
recalling incidents of the kind suggested, and things ended not so
unpleasantly after all.

BOOK VI

I

After this, whilst waiting, they lived partly on supplies from the      1
market, partly on the fruit of raids into Paphlagonia. The
Paphlagonians, on their side, showed much skill in kidnapping
stragglers, wherever they could lay hands on them, and in the night
time tried to do mischief to those whose quarters were at a distance
from the camp. The result was that their relations to one another were
exceedingly hostile, so much so that Corylas, who was the chief of
Paphlagonia at that date, sent ambassadors to the Hellenes, bearing
horses and fine apparel, and charged with a proposal on the part of
Corylas to make terms with the Hellenes on the principle of mutual
forbearance from injuries. The generals replied that they would
consult with the army about the matter. Meanwhile they gave them a
hospitable reception, to which they invited certain members of the
army whose claims were obvious. They sacrificed some of the captive
cattle and other sacrificial beasts, and with these they furnished
forth a sufficiently festal entertainment, and reclining on their
truckle beds, fell to eating and drinking out of beakers made of horn
which they happened to find in the country.

But as soon as the libation was ended and they had sung the hymn, up
got first some Thracians, who performed a dance under arms to the
sound of a pipe, leaping high into the air with much nimbleness, and
brandishing their swords, till at last one man struck his fellow, and
every one thought he was really wounded, so skilfully and artistically  6
did he fall, and the Paphlagonians screamed out. Then he that gave the
blow stripped the other of his arms, and marched off chanting the
"Sitalcas (1)," whilst others of the Thracians bore off the other, who
lay as if dead, though he had not received even a scratch.

 (1) I.e. the national Thracian hymn; for Sitalcas the king, a national
    hero, see Thuc. ii. 29.

After this some Aenianians (2) and Magnesians got up and fell to
dancing the Carpaea, as it is called, under arms. This was the manner
of the dance: one man lays aside his arms and proceeds to drive a yoke
of oxen, and while he drives he sows, turning him about frequently, as
though he were afraid of something; up comes a cattle-lifter, and no
sooner does the ploughman catch sight of him afar, than he snatches up
his arms and confronts him. They fight in front of his team, and all
in rhythm to the sound of the pipe. At last the robber binds the
countryman and drives off the team. Or sometimes the cattle-driver
binds the robber, and then he puts him under the yoke beside the oxen,
with his two hands tied behind his back, and off he drives.

 (2) The Aenianians, an Aeolian people inhabiting the upper valley of
    the Sperchius (the ancient Phthia); their capital was Hypata.
    These men belonged to the army collected by Menon, the Thessalian.
    So, doubtless, did the Magnesians, another Aeolian tribe occupying
    the mountainous coast district on the east of Thessaly. See
    Kiepert's "Man. Anct. Geog." (Macmillan's tr.), chap. vi.. 161,
    170.

After this a Mysian came in with a light shield in either hand and
danced, at one time going through a pantomime, as if he were dealing
with two assailants at once; at another plying his shields as if to
face a single foe, and then again he would whirl about and throw
somersaults, keeping the shields in his hands, so that it was a
beautiful spectacle. Last of all he danced the Persian dance, clashing
the shields together, crouching down on one knee and springing up
again from earth; and all this he did in measured time to the sound of
the flute. After him the Mantineans stepped upon the stage, and some
other Arcadians also stood up; they had accoutred themselves in all
their warlike finery. They marched with measured tread, pipes playing,
to the tune of the 'warrior's march (3)'; the notes of the paean rose,   11
lightly their limbs moved in dance, as in solemn procession to the
holy gods. The Paphlagonians looked upon it as something truly strange
that all these dances should be under arms; and the Mysians, seeing
their astonishment persuaded one of the Arcadians who had got a
dancing girl to let him introduce her, which he did after dressing her
up magnificently and giving her a light shield. When, lithe of limb,
she danced the Pyrrhic (4), loud clapping followed; and the
Paphlagonians asked, "If these women fought by their side in battle?"
to which they answered, "To be sure, it was the women who routed the
great King, and drove him out of camp." So ended the night.

 (3) See Plato, "Rep." 400 B, for this "war measure"; also Aristoph.
    "Clouds," 653.

 (4) For this famous dance, supposed to be of Doric (Cretan or Spartan)
    origin, see Smith's "Dict. of Antiquities," "Saltatio"; also Guhl
    and Koner, "The Life of the Greeks and Romans," Eng. tr.

But next day the generals introduced the embassy to the army, and the
soldiers passed a resolution in the sense proposed: between themselves
and the Paphlagonians there was to be a mutual abstinence from
injuries. After this the ambassadors went on their way, and the
Hellenes, as soon as it was thought that sufficient vessels had
arrived, went on board ship, and voyaged a day and a night with a fair
breeze, keeping Paphlagonia on their left. And on the following day,
arriving at Sinope, they came to moorings in the harbour of Harmene,
near Sinope (5). The Sinopeans, though inhabitants of Paphlagonia, are
really colonists of the Milesians. They sent gifts of hospitality to
the Hellenes, three thousand measures of barley with fifteen hundred
jars of wine. At this place Cheirisophus rejoined them with a
man-of-war. The soldiers certainly expected that, having come, he
would have brought them something, but he brought them nothing, except
complimentary phrases, on the part of Anaxibius, the high admiral, and
the rest, who sent them their congratulations, coupled with a promise
on the part of Anaxibius that, as soon as they were outside the
Euxine, pay would be forthcoming.

 (5) Harmene, a port of Sinope, between four and five miles (fifty
    stades) west of that important city, itself a port town. See
    Smith, "Dict. Geog.," "Sinope"; and Kiepert, op. cit. chap. iv.
    60.

At Harmene the army halted five days; and now that they seemed to be    17
so close to Hellas, the question how they were to reach home not
empty-handed presented itself more forcibly to their minds than
heretofore. The conclusion they came to was to appoint a single
general, since one man would be better able to handle the troops, by
night or by day, than was possible while the generalship was divided.
If secrecy were desirable, it would be easier to keep matters dark, or
if again expedition were an object, there would be less risk of
arriving a day too late, since mutual explanations would be avoided,
and whatever approved itself to the single judgement would at once be
carried into effect, whereas previously the generals had done
everything in obedience to the opinion of the majority.

With these ideas working in their minds, they turned to Xenophon, and
the officers came to him and told him that this was how the soldiers
viewed matters; and each of them, displaying a warmth of kindly
feeling, pressed him to accept the office. Xenophon partly would have
liked to do so, in the belief that by so doing he would win to himself
a higher repute in the esteem of his friends, and that his name would
be reported to the city written large; and by some stroke of fortune
he might even be the discoverer of some blessing to the army
collectively.

These and the like considerations elated him; he had a strong desire
to hold the supreme command. But then again, as he turned the matter
over, the conviction deepened in his mind that the issue of the future
is to every man uncertain; and hence there was the risk of perhaps
losing such reputation has he had already acquired. He was in sore
straights, and, not knowing how to decide, it seemed best to him to
lay the matter before heaven. Accordingly, he led two victims to the
altar and made sacrifice to Zeus the King, for it was he and no other
who had been named by the oracle at Delphi, and his belief was that
the vision which he had beheld when he first essayed to undertake the
joint administration of the army was sent to him by that god. He also
recalled to mind a circumstance which befell him still earlier, when    23
setting out from Ephesus to associate himself with Cyrus (6);--how an
eagle screamed on his right hand from the east, and still remained
perched, and the soothsayer who was escorting him said that it was a
great and royal omen (7); indicating glory and yet suffering; for the
punier race of birds only attack the eagle when seated. "Yet," added
he, "it bodes not gain in money; for the eagle seizes his food, not
when seated, but on the wing."

 (6) Cf. "Cyrop." II. i. 1; an eagle appears to Cyrus on the frontiers
    of Persia, when about to join his uncle Cyaxares, king of Media,
    on his expedition against the Assyrian.

 (7) It is important to note that the Greek word {oionos}, a solitary
    or lone-flying bird, also means an omen. "It was a mighty bird and
    a mighty omen."

Thus Xenophon sacrificed, and the god as plainly as might be gave him
a sign, neither to demand the generalship, nor, if chosen, to accept
the office. And that was how the matter stood when the army met, and
the proposal to elect a single leader was unanimous. After this
resolution was passed, they proposed Xenophon for election, and when
it seemed quite evident that they would elect him, if he put the
question to the vote, he got up and spoke as follows:--

"Sirs, I am but mortal, and must needs be happy to be honoured by you.
I thank you, and am grateful, and my prayer is that the gods may grant
me to be an instrument of blessing to you. Still, when I consider it
closer, thus, in the presence of a Lacedaemonian, to be preferred by
you as general, seems to me but ill conducive either to your interests
or to mine, since you will the less readily obtain from them hereafter
anything you may need, while for myself I look upon acceptance as even
somewhat dangerous. Do I not see and know with what persistence these
Lacedaemonians prosecuted the war till finally they forced our State
to acknowledge the leadership of Lacedaemon? This confession once
extorted from their antagonists, they ceased warring at once, and the
siege of the city was at an end. If, with these facts before my eyes,
I seem to be doing all I can to neutralise their high self-esteem, I
cannot escape the reflection that personally I may be taught wisdom by
a painful process. But with your own idea that under a single general
there will be less factiousness than when there were many, be assured   29
that in choosing some other than me you will not find me factious. I
hold that whosoever sets up factious opposition to his leader
factiously opposes his own safety. While if you determine to choose
me, I should not be surprised were that choice to entail upon you and
me the resentment of other people."

After those remarks on Xenophon's part, many more got up, one after
another, insisting on the propriety of his undertaking the command.
One of them, Agasias the Stymphalian, said: It was really ridiculous,
if things had come to this pass that the Lacedeamonians are to fly
into a rage because a number of friends have met together to dinner,
and omitted to choose a Lacedaemonian to sit at the head of the table.
"Really, if that is how matters stand," said he, "I do not see what
right we have to be officers even, we who are only Arcadians." That
sally brought down the plaudits of the assembly; and Xenophon, seeing
that something more was needed, stepped forward again and spoke,
"Pardon, sirs," he said, "let me make a clean breast of it. I swear to
you by all the gods and goddesses; verily and indeed, I no sooner
perceived your purpose, than I consulted the victims, whether it was
better for you to entrust this leadership to me, and for me to
undertake it, or the reverse. And the gods vouchsafed a sign to me so
plain that even a common man might understand it, and perceive that
from such sovereignty I must needs hold myself aloof."

Under these circumstances they chose Cheirisophus, who, after his
election, stepped forward and said: "Nay, sirs, be well assured of
this, that had you chosen some one else, I for my part should not have
set up factious opposition. As to Xenophon, I believe you have done
him a good turn by not appointing him; for even now Dexippus has gone
some way in traducing him to Anaxibius, as far as it lay in his power
to do so, and that, in spite of my attempts to silence him. What he
said was that he believed Xenophon would rather share the command of
Clearchus's army with Timasion, a Dardanian, than with himself, a
Laconian. But," continued Cheirisophus, "since your choice has fallen   33
upon me, I will make it my endeavour to do you all the good in my
power; so make your preparations to weigh anchor to-morrow; wind and
weather permitting, we will voyage to Heraclea; every one must
endeavour, therefore, to put in at that port; and for the rest we will
consult, when we are come thither."

II

The next day they weighed anchor and set sail from Harmene with a fair  1
breeze, two days' voyage along the coast.  (As they coasted along they
came in sight of Jason's beach (1), where, as the story says, the ship
Argo came to moorings; and then the mouths of the rivers, first the
Thermodon, then the Iris, then the Halys, and next to it the
Parthenius.) Coasting past  (the latter), they reached Heraclea (2), a
Hellenic city and a colony of the Megarians, situated in the territory
of the Mariandynians. So they came to anchorage off the Acherusian
Chersonese, where Heracles (3) is said to have descended to bring up
the dog Cerberus, at a point where they still show the marks of his
descent, a deep cleft more than two furlongs down. Here the Heracleots
sent the Hellenes, as gifts of hospitality, three thousand measures of
barley and two thousand jars of wine, twenty beeves and one hundred
sheep. Through the flat country here flows the Lycus river, as it is
called, about two hundred feet in breadth.

 (1) I have left this passage in the text, although it involves, at
    first sight, a topographical error on the part of whoever wrote
    it, and Hug and other commentators regard it as spurious. Jason's
    beach (the modern Yasoun Bouroun) and the three first-named rivers
    lie between Cotyora and Sinope. Possibly the author, or one of his
    editors, somewhat loosely inserted a recapitulatory note
    concerning the scenery of this coasting voyage at this point. "By
    the way, I ought to have told you that as they coasted along,"
    etc.

 (2) One of the most powerful of commercial cities, distinguished as
    Pontica (whence, in the middle ages, Penteraklia), now Eregli. It
    was one of the older Greek settlements, and, like Kalchedon (to
    give that town its proper name), a Megaro-Doric colony. See
    Kiepert, op. cit. chap. iv. 62.

 (3) According to another version of the legend Heracles went down to
    bring up Cerberus, not here, but at Taenarum.

The soldiers held a meeting, and took counsel about the remainder of
the journey: should they make their exit from the Pontus by sea or by
land? and Lycon the Achaean got up and said: "I am astonished, sirs,
that the generals do not endeavour to provide us more efficiently with
provisions. These gifts of hospitality will not afford three days'      4
victuals for the army; nor do I see from what region we are to provide
ourselves as we march. My proposal, therefore, is to demand of the
Heracleots at least three thousand cyzicenes." Another speaker
suggested, "not less than ten thousand. Let us at once, before we
break up this meeting, send ambassadors to the city and ascertain
their answer to the demand and take counsel accordingly." Thereupon
they proceeded to put up as ambassadors, first and foremost
Cheirisophus, as he had been chosen general-in-chief; others also
named Xenophon.

But both Cheirisophus and Xenophon stoutly declined, maintaining both
alike that they could not compel a Hellenic city, actually friendly,
to give anything which they did not spontaneously offer. So, since
these two appeared to be backward, the soldiers sent Lycon the
Achaean, Callimachus the Parrhasian, and Agasias the Stymphalian.
These three went and announced the resolutions passed by the army.
Lycon, it was said, even went so far as to threaten certain
consequences in case they refused to comply. The Heracleots said they
would deliberate; and, without more ado, they got together their goods
and chattels from their farms and fields outside, and dismantled the
market outside and transferred it within, after which the gates were
closed, and arms appeared at the battlements of the walls.

At that check, the authors of these tumultuary measures fell to
accusing the generals, as if they had marred the proceeding; and the
Arcadians and Archaeans banded together, chiefly under the auspices of
the two ringleaders, Callimachus the Parrhasian and Lycon the Achaean.
The language they held was to this effect: It was outrageous that a
single Athenian and a Lacedaemonian, who had not contributed a soldier
to the expedition, should rule Peloponnesians; scandalous that they
themselves should bear the toils whilst others pocketed the spoils,
and that too though the preservation of the army was due to
themselves; for, as every one must admit, to the Arcadians and          10
Achaeans the credit of that achievement was due, and the rest of the
army went for nothing (which was indeed so far true that the Arcadians
and Achaeans did form numerically the larger half of the whole army).
What then did common sense suggest? Why, that they, the Arcadians and
Achaeans, should make common cause, choose generals for themselves
independently, continue the march, and try somewhat to better their
condition. This proposal was carried. All the Arcadians and Achaeans
who chanced to be with Cheirisophus left him and Xenophon, setting up
for themselves and choosing ten generals of their own. These ten, it
was decreed, were to put into effect such measures as approved
themselves to the majority. Thus the absolute authority vested in
Cheirisophus was terminated there and then, within less than a week of
his appointment.

Xenophon, however was minded to prosecute the journey in their
company, thinking that this would be a safer plan than for each to
start on his own account. But Neon threw in his weight in favour of
separate action. "Every one for himself," he said, for he had heard
from Cheirisophus that Cleander, the Spartan governor-general at
Byzantium, talked of coming to Calpe Haven with some war vessels.
Neon's advice was due to his desire to secure a passage home in these
war vessels for themselves and their soldiers, without allowing any
one else to share in their good-fortune. As for Cheirisophus, he was
at once so out of heart at the turn things had taken, and soured with
the whole army, that he left it to his subordinate, Neon, to do just
what he liked. Xenophon, on his side, would still have been glad to be
quit of the expedition and sail home; but on offering sacrifice to
Heracles the Leader, and seeking advice, whether it were better and
more desirable to continue the march in charge of the soldiers who had
remained faithful, or to take his departure, the god indicated to him
by the victims that he should adopt the former course.

In this way the army was now split up into three divisions (4). First,
the Arcadians and Achaeans, over four thousand five hundred men, all
heavy infantry. Secondly, Cheirisophus and his men, viz. one thousand   16
four hundred heavy infantry and the seven hundred peltasts, or
Clearchus's Thracians. Thirdly, Xenophon's division of one thousand
seven hundred heavy infantry, and three hundred peltasts; but then he
alone had the cavalry--about forty troopers.

 (4) The total now amounted to 8640 and over.

The Arcadians, who had bargained with the Heracleots and got some
vessels from them, were the first to set sail; they hoped, by pouncing
suddenly on the Bithynians, to make as large a haul as possible. With
that object they disembarked at Calpe Haven (5), pretty nearly at the
middle point in Thrace. Cheirisophus setting off straight from
Heraclea, commenced a land march through the country; but having
entered into Thrace, he preferred to cling to the seaboard, health and
strength failing him. Xenophon, lastly, took vessels, and disembarking
on the confines of Thrace and the Heracleotid, pushed forward through
the heart of the country (6).

 (5) The Haven of Calpe = Kirpe Liman or Karpe in the modern maps. The
    name is interesting as being also the ancient name of the rock
    fortress of Gibraltar.

 (6) Some MSS. here read, "In the prior chapter will be found a
    description of the manner in which the absolute command of
    Cheirisophus was abruptly terminated and the army of the Hellenes
    broken up. The sequel will show how each of these divisions
    fared." The passage is probably one of those commentators' notes,
    with which we are now familiar.

III

The Arcadians, disembarking under cover of night at Calpe Haven,        1
marched against the nearest villages about thirty furlongs from the
sea; and as soon as it was light, each of the ten generals led his
company to attack one village, or if the village were large, a couple
of companies advanced under their combined generals. They further
agreed upon a certain knoll, where they were all eventually to
assemble. So sudden was their attack that they seized a number of
captives and enclosed a multitude of small cattle. But the Thracians
who escaped began to collect again; for being light-armed troops they
had slipped in large numbers through the hands of the heavy infantry;
and now that they were got together they first attacked the company of
the Arcadian general, Smicres, who had done his work and was retiring
to the appointed meeting-place, driving along a large train of
captives and cattle. For a good while the Hellenes maintained a
running fight (1); but at the passage of a gorge the enemy routed them,  5
slaying Smicres himself and those with him to a man. The fate of
another company under command of Hegesander, another of the ten, was
nearly as bad; only eight men escaped, Hegesander being one of them.
The remaining captains eventually met, some with somewhat to show for
their pains, others empty-handed.

 (1) Lit. "marched and fought," as did the forlorn hope under Sir C.
    Wilson making its way from Abu Klea to the Nile in Jan. 1885.

The Thracians, having achieved this success, kept up a continual
shouting and clatter of conversation to one another during the night;
but with day-dawn they marshalled themselves right round the knoll on
which the Hellenes were encamped--both cavalry in large numbers and
light-armed troops--while every minute the stream of new-comers grew
greater. Then they commenced an attack on the heavy infantry in all
security, for the Hellenes had not a single bowman, javelin-man, or
mounted trooper amongst them; while the enemy rushed forward on foot
or galloped up on horseback and let fly their javelins. It was vain to
attempt to retaliate, so lightly did they spring back and escape; and
ever the attack renewed itself from every point, so that on one side
man after man was wounded, on the other not a soul was touched; the
result being that they could not stir from their position, and the
Thracians ended by cutting them off even from their water. In their
despair they began to parley about a truce, and finally various
concessions were made and terms agreed to between them; but the
Thracians would not hear of giving hostages in answer to the demand of
the Hellenes; at that point the matter rested. So fared it with the
Arcadians.

As to Cheirisophus, that general prosecuted his march along the         10
seaboard, and without check reached Calpe Haven. Xenophon advanced
through the heart of the country; and his cavalry pushing on in front,
came upon some old men pursuing their road somewither, who were
brought to him, and in answer to his question, whether they had caught
sight of another Hellenic army anywhere, told him all that had already
taken place, adding that at present they were being besieged upon a
knoll with all the Thracians in close circle round them. Thereupon he
kept the old men under strict guard to serve as guides in case of
need; next, having appointed outposts, he called a meeting of the
soldiers, and addressed them: "Soldiers, some of the Arcadians are
dead and the rest are being besieged upon a certain knoll. Now my own
belief is, that if they are to perish, with their deaths the seal is
set to our own fate: since we must reckon with an enemy at once
numerous and emboldened. Clearly our best course is to hasten to their
rescue, if haply we may find them still alive, and do battle by their
side rather than suffer isolation, confronting danger single-handed.

"Let us then at once push forward as far as may seem opportune till
supper-time, and then encamp. As long as we are marching, let
Timasion, with the cavalry, gallop on in front, but without losing
sight of us; and let him examine all closely in front, so that nothing
may escape our observation." (At the same time too, he sent out some
nimble fellows of the light-armed troops to the flanks and to the high
tops, who were to give a signal if they espied anything anywhere;
ordering them to burn everything inflammable which lay in their path.)
"As for ourselves," he continued, "we need not look to find cover in
any direction; for it is a long step back to Heraclea and a long leap
across to Chrysopolis, and the enemy is at the door. The shortest road
is to Calpe Haven, where we suppose Cheirisophus, if safe, to be; but
then, when we get there, at Calpe Haven there are no vessels for us to
sail away in; and if we stop here, we have not provisions for a single
day. Suppose the beleaguered Arcadians left to their fate, we shall
find it but a sorry alternative to run the gauntlet with
Cheirisophus's detachment alone; better to save them if we can, and     17
with united forces work out our deliverance in common. But if so, we
must set out with minds prepared, since to-day either a glorious death
awaits us or the achievement of a deed of noblest emprise in the
rescue of so many Hellene lives. Maybe it is God who leads us thus,
God who chooses to humble the proud boaster, boasting as though he
were exceedingly wise, but for us, the beginning of whose every act is
by heaven's grace, that same God reserves a higher grade of honour.
One duty I would recall to you, to apply your minds to the execution
of the orders with promptitude."

With these words he led the way. The cavalry, scattering as far in
advance as was prudent, wherever they set foot, set fire. The peltasts
moving parallel on the high ground were similarly employed, burning
everything combustible they could discover. While the main army,
wherever they came upon anything which had accidentally escaped,
completed the work, so that the whole country looked as if it were
ablaze; and the army might easily pass for a larger one. When the hour
had come, they turned aside to a knoll and took up quarters; and there
they espied the enemy's watch-fires. He was about forty furlongs
distant. On their side also they kindled as many watch-fires as
possible; but as soon as they had dined the order was passed to quench
all the fires. So during the night they posted guards and slept. But
at daybreak they offered prayers to the gods, and drawing up in order
of battle, began marching with what speed they might. Timasion and the
cavalry, who had the guides with them, and were moving on briskly in
front, found themselves without knowing it at the very knoll upon
which the Hellenes had been beleaguered. But no army could they
discover, whether of friend or foe; only some starveling old women and
men, with a few sheep and oxen which had been left behind. This news
they reported to Xenophon and the main body. At first the marvel was
what had happened; but ere long they found out by inquiries from the
folk who had been left behind, that the Thracians had set off
immediately after sundown, and were gone; the Hellenes had waited till
morning before they made off, but in what direction, they could not     23
say.

On hearing this, Xenophon's troops first breakfasted, and then getting
their kit together began their march, desiring to unite with the rest
at Calpe's Haven without loss of time. As they continued their march,
they came across the track of the Arcadians and Achaeans along the
road to Calpe, and both divisions arriving eventually at the same
place, were overjoyed to see one another again, and they embraced each
other like brothers. Then the Arcadians inquired of Xenophon's
officers--why they had quenched the watch-fires?"At first," said
they, "when we lost sight of your watch-fires, we expected you to
attack the enemy in the night; and the enemy, so at least we imagined,
must have been afraid of that and so set off. The time at any rate at
which they set off would correspond. But when the requisite time had
elapsed and you did not come, we concluded that you must have learnt
what was happening to us, and in terror had made a bolt for it to the
seaboard. We resolved not to be left behind by you; and that is how we
also came to march hither."

IV

During this day they contented themselves with bivouacking there on     1
the beach at the harbour. The place which goes by the name of Calpe
Haven is in Asiatic Thrace, the name given to a region extending from
the mouth of the Euxine all the way to Heraclea, which lies on the
right hand as you sail into the Euxine. It is a long day's voyage for
a war-ship, using her three banks of oars, from Byzantium to Heraclea,
and between these two there is not a single Hellenic or friendly city,
but only these Bithynian Thracians, who have a bad reputation for the
savagery with which they treat any Hellenes cast ashore by shipwreck
or otherwise thrown into their power.

Now the haven of Calpe lies exactly midway, halving the voyage between
Byzantium and Heraclea. It is a long promontory running out into the
sea; the seaward portion being a rocky precipice, at no point less
than twenty fathoms high; but on the landward side there is a neck      3
about four hundred feet wide; and the space inside the neck is capable
of accommodating ten thousand inhabitants, and there is a haven
immediately under the crag with a beach facing the west. Then there is
a copious spring of fresh water flowing on the very marge of the sea
commanded by the stronghold. Again, there is plenty of wood of various
sorts; but most plentiful of all, fine shipbuilding timber down to the
very edge of the sea. The upland stretches into the heart of the
country for twenty furlongs at least. It is good loamy soil, free from
stones. For a still greater distance the seaboard is thickly grown
with large timber trees of every description. The surrounding country
is beautiful and spacious, containing numerous well populated
villages. The soil produces barley and wheat, and pulse of all sorts,
millet and sesame, figs in ample supply, with numerous vines producing
sweet wines, and indeed everything else except olives. Such is the
character of the country.

The tents were pitched on the seaward-facing beach, the soldiers being
altogether averse to camping on ground which might so easily be
converted into a city. Indeed, their arrival at the place at all
seemed very like the crafty design of some persons who were minded to
form a city. The aversion was not unnatural, since the majority of the
soldiers had not left their homes on so long a voyage from scantiness
or subsistence, but attracted by the fame of Cyrus's virtues; some of
them bringing followers, while others had expended money on the
expedition. And amongst them was a third set who had run away from
fathers and mothers; while a different class had left children behind,
hoping to return to them with money or other gains. Other people with
Cyrus won great success, they were told (1); why should it not be so
with them? Being persons then of this description, the one longing of
their hearts was to reach Hellas safely.

 (1) I.e. "his society was itself a passport to good fortune."

It was on the day after their meeting that Xenophon sacrificed as a
preliminary to a military expedition; for it was needful to march out
in search of provisions, besides which he designed burying the dead.    9
As soon as the victims proved favourable they all setout, the
Arcadians following with the rest. The majority of the dead, who had
lain already five days, they buried just where they had fallen, in
groups; to remove their bodies now would have been impossible. Some
few, who lay off the roads, they got together and buried with what
splendour they could, considering the means in their power. Others
they could not find, and for these they erected a great cenotaph (2),
and covered it with wreaths. When it was all done, they returned home
to camp. At that time they supped, and went to rest.

 (2) "Cenotaph", i.e. "an empty tomb." The word is interesting as
    occurring only in Xenophon, until we come to the writers of the
    common dialect. Compare "hyuscyamus," hogbean, our henbane, which
    we also owe to Xenophon. "Oecon." i. 13, see Sauppe, "Lexil. Xen."
    s.vv.

Next day there was a general meeting of the soldiers, collected
chiefly by Agasias the Stymphalian, a captain, and Hieronymus, an
Eleian, also a captain, and other seniors of the Arcadians; and they
passed a resolution that, for the future, whoever revived the idea of
breaking up the army should be punished by death. And the army, it was
decided, would now resume its old position under the command of its
former generals. Though Cheirisophus, indeed, had already died under
medical treatment for fever (3); and Neon the Asinaean had taken his
place.

 (3) This I take to be the meaning of the words, which are necessarily
    ambiguous, since {pharmakon}, "a drug," also means "poison." Did
    Cheirisophus conceivably die of fever brought on by some poisonous
    draught? or did he take poison whilst suffering from fever? or did
    he die under treatment?

After these resolutions Xenophon got up and said: "Soldiers, the
journey must now, I presume, be conducted on foot; indeed, this is
clear, since we have no vessels; and we are driven to commence it at
once, for we have no provisions if we stop. We then," he continued,
"will sacrifice, and you must prepare yourselves to fight now, if
ever, for the spirit of the enemy has revived."

Thereupon the generals sacrificed, in the presence of the Arcadian
seer, Arexion; for Silanus the Ambraciot had chartered a vessel at
Heraclea and made his escape ere this. Sacrificing with a view to       13
departure, the victims proved unfavourable to them. Accordingly they
waited that day. Certain people were bold enough to say that Xenophon,
out of his desire to colonise the place, had persuaded the seer to say
that the victims were unfavourable to departure. Consequently he
proclaimed by herald next morning that any one who liked should be
present at the sacrifice; or if he were a seer he was bidden to be
present and help to inspect the victims. Then he sacrificed, and there
were numbers present; but though the sacrifice on the question of
departure was repeated as many as three times, the victims were
persistently unfavourable. Thereat the soldiers were in high dudgeon,
for the provisions they had brought with them had reached the lowest
ebb, and there was no market to be had.

Consequently there was another meeting, and Xenophon spoke again:
"Men," said he, "the victims are, as you may see for yourselves, not
yet favourable to the march; but meanwhile, I can see for myself that
you are in need of provisions; accordingly we must narrow the
sacrifice to the particular point." Some one got up and said:
"Naturally enough the victims are unfavourable, for, as I learnt from
some one on a vessel which arrived here yesterday by accident,
Cleander, the governor at Byzantium, intends coming here with ships
and men-of-war." Thereat they were all in favour of stopping; but they
must needs go out for provisions, and with this object he again
sacrificed three times, and the victims remained adverse. Things had
now reached such a pass that the men actually came to Xenophon's tent
to proclaim that they had no provisions. His sole answer was that he
would not lead them out till the victims were favourable.

So again the next day he sacrificed; and nearly the whole army, so
strong was the general anxiety, flocked round the victims; and now the
very victims themselves failed. So the generals, instead of leading
out the army, called the men together. Xenophon, as was incumbent on
him, spoke: "It is quite possible that the enemy are collected in a
body, and we shall have to fight. If we were to leave our baggage in
the strong place" (pointing overhead) "and sally forth prepared for
battle, the victims might favour us." But the soldiers, on hearing      22
this proposal, cried out, "No need to take us inside that place;
better sacrifice with all speed." Now sheep there were none any
longer. So they purchased oxen from under a wagon and sacrificed; and
Xenophon begged Cleanor the Arcadian to superintend the sacrifice on
his behalf, in case there might be some change now. But even so there
was no improvement.

Now Neon was general in place of Cheirisophus, and seeing the men
suffering so cruelly from want, he was willing to do them a good turn.
So he got hold of some Heracleot or other who said he knew of villages
close by from which they could get provisions, and proclaimed by
herald: "If any one liked to come out and get provisions, be it known
that he, Neon, would be their leader." So out came the men with
spears, and wine skins and sacks and other vessels--two thousand
strong in all. But when they had reached the villages and began to
scatter for the purpose of foraging, Pharnabazus's cavalry were the
first to fall upon them. They had come to the aid of the Bithynians,
wishing, if possible, in conjunction with the latter, to hinder the
Hellenes from entering Phrygia. These troopers killed no less than
five hundred of the men; the rest fled for the lives up into the hill
country.

News of the catastrophe was presently brought into camp by one of
those who had escaped, and Xenophon, seeing that the victims had not
been favourable on that day, took a wagon bullock, in the absence of
other sacrificial beasts, offered it up, and started for the rescue,
he and the rest under thirty years of age to the last man. Thus they
picked up the remnant of Neon's party and returned to camp. It was now
about sunset; and the Hellenes in deep despondency were making their
evening meal, when all of a sudden, through bush and brake, a party of
Bithynians fell upon the pickets, cutting down some and chasing the
rest into camp. In the midst of screams and shouts the Hellenes ran to
their arms, one and all; yet to pursue or move the camp in the night
seemed hardly safe, for the ground was thickly grown with bush; all
they could do was to strengthen the outposts and keep watch under arms
the livelong night.

V

And so they spent the night, but with day-dawn the generals led the     1
way into the natural fastness, and the others picked up their arms and
baggage and followed the lead. Before the breakfast-hour arrived, they
had fenced off with a ditch the only side on which lay ingress into
the place, and had palisaded off the whole, leaving only three gates.
Anon a ship from Heraclea arrived bringing barleymeal, victim animals,
and wine.

Xenophon was up betimes, and made the usual offering before starting
on an expedition, and at the first victim the sacrifice was
favourable. Just as the sacrifice ended, the seer, Arexion the
Parrhasian, caught sight of an eagle, which boded well, and bade
Xenophon lead on. So they crossed the trench and grounded arms. Then
proclamation was made by herald for the soldiers to breakfast and
start on an expedition under arms; the mob of sutlers and the captured
slaves would be left in camp. Accordingly the mass of the troops set
out. Neon alone remained; for it seemed best to leave that general and
his men to guard the contents of the camp. But when the officers and
soldiers had left them in the lurch, they were so ashamed to stop in
camp while the rest marched out, that they too set out, leaving only
those above five-and-forty years of age.

These then stayed, while the rest set out on the march. Before they
had gone two miles, they stumbled upon dead bodies, and when they had
brought up the rear of the column in a line with the first bodies to
be seen, they began digging graves and burying all included in the
column from end to end. After burying the first batch, they advanced,
and again bringing the rear even with the first unburied bodies which
appeared, they buried in the same way all which the line of troops
included. Finally, reaching the road that led out of the villages
where the bodies lay thick together, they collected them and laid them
in a common grave.

It was now about midday, when pushing forward the troops up to the
villages without entering them, they proceeded to seize provisions,
laying hands on everything they could set eyes on under cover of their  7
lines; when suddenly they caught sight of the enemy cresting certain
hillocks in front of them, duly marshalled in line--a large body of
cavalry and infantry. It was Spithridates and Rhathines, sent by
Pharnabazus with their force at their backs. As soon as the enemy
caught sight of the Hellenes, they stood still, about two miles
distant. Then Arexion the seer sacrificed, and at the first essay the
victims were favourable. Whereupon Xenophon addressed the other
generals: "I would advise, sirs, that we should detach one or more
flying columns to support our main attack, so that in case of need at
any point we may have reserves in readiness to assist our main body,
and the enemy, in the confusion of battle, may find himself attacking
the unbroken lines of troops not hitherto engaged." These views
approved themselves to all. "Do you then," said he, "lead on the
vanguard straight at the enemy. Do not let us stand parleying here,
now that we have caught sight of him and he of us. I will detach the
hindmost companies in the way we have decided upon and follow you."
After that they quietly advanced, and he, withdrawing the rear-rank
companies in three brigades consisting of a couple of hundred men
apiece, commissioned the first on the right to follow the main body at
the distance of a hundred feet. Samolas the Achaean was in command of
this brigade. The duty of the second, under the command of Pyrrhias
the Arcadian, was to follow in the centre. The last was posted on the
left, with Phrasias, an Athenian, in command. As they advanced, the
vanguard reached a large and difficult woody glen, and halted, not
knowing whether the obstacle needed to be crossed or not. They passed
down the word for the generals and officers to come forward to the
front. Xenophon, wondering what it was that stopped the march, and
presently hearing the above order passed along the ranks, rode up with
all speed. As soon as they were met, Sophaenetus, as the eldest
general, stated his opinion that the question, whether a gully of that
kind ought to be crossed or not, was not worth discussing. Xenophon,
with some ardour, retorted: "You know, sirs, I have not been in the
habit hitherto of introducing you to danger which you might avoid. It
is not your reputation for courage surely that is at stake, but your    14
safe return home. But now the matter stands thus: It is impossible to
retire from this point without a battle; if we do not advance against
the enemy ourselves, he will follow us as soon as we have turned our
backs and attack us. Consider, then; is it better to go and meet the
foe with arms advanced, or with arms reversed to watch him as he
assails us on our rear? You know this at any rate, that to retire
before an enemy has nothing glorious about it, whereas attack
engenders courage even in a coward. For my part, I would rather at any
time attack with half my men than retreat with twice the number. As to
these fellows, if we attack them, I am sure you do not really expect
them to await us; though, if we retreat, we know for certain they will
be emboldened to pursue us. Nay, if the result of crossing is to place
a difficult gully behind us when we are on the point of engaging,
surely that is an advantage worth seizing. At least, if it were left
to me, I would choose that everything should appear smooth and
passable to the enemy, which may invite retreat; but for ourselves we
may bless the ground which teaches us that except in victory we have
no deliverance. It astonishes me that any one should deem this
particular gully a whit more terrible than any of the other barriers
which we have successfully passed. How impassable was the plain, had
we failed to conquer their cavalry! how insurmountable the mountains
already traversed by us, with all their peltasts in hot pursuit at our
heels! Nay, when we have safely reached the sea, the Pontus will
present a somewhat formidable gully, when we have neither vessels to
convey us away nor corn to keep us alive whilst we stop. But we shall
no sooner be there than we must be off again to get provisions. Surely
it is better to fight to-day after a good breakfast than to-morrow on
an empty stomach. Sirs, the offerings are favourable to us, the omens
are propitious, the victims more than promising; let us attack the
enemy! Now that they have had a good look at us, these fellows must
not be allowed to enjoy their dinners or choose a camp at their own
sweet will."

After that the officers bade him lead on. None gainsaid, and he led
the way. His orders were to cross the gully, where each man chanced to  22
find himself. By this method, as it seemed to him, the troops would
more quickly mass themselves on the far side than was possible, if
they defiled along (1) the bridge which spanned the gully. But once
across he passed along the line and addressed the troops: "Sirs, call
to mind what by help of the gods you have already done. Bethink you of
the battles you have won at close quarters with the foe; of the fate
which awaits those who flee before their foes. Forget not that we
stand at the very doors of Hellas. Follow in the steps of Heracles,
our guide, and cheer each the other onwards by name. Sweet were it
surely by some brave and noble word or deed, spoken or done this day,
to leave the memory of oneself in the hearts of those one loves."

 (1) Lit. "had they wound off thread by thread"; the metaphor is from
    unwinding a ball of wool.

These words were spoken as he rode past, and simultaneously he began
leading on the troops in battle line; and, placing the peltasts on
either flank of the main body, they moved against the enemy. Along the
line the order had sped "to keep their spears at rest on the right
shoulder until the bugle signal; then lower them for the charge, slow
march, and even pace, no one to quicken into a run." Lastly, the
watchword was passed, "Zeus the Saviour, Heracles our Guide." The
enemy waited their approach, confident in the excellence of his
position; but as they drew closer the Hellene light troops, with a
loud alala! without waiting for the order, dashed against the foe. The
latter, on their side, came forward eagerly to meet the charge, both
the cavalry and the mass of the Bithynians; and these turned the
peltasts. But when with counter-wave the phalanx of the heavy infantry
rapidly advancing, faced them, and at the same time the bugle sounded,
and the battle hymn rose from all lips, and after this a loud cheer
rose, and at the same instant they couched their spears;--at this
conjuncture the enemy no longer welcomed them, but fled. Timasion with
his cavalry followed close, and, considering their scant numbers, they
did great execution. It was the left wing of the enemy, in a line with
which the Hellene cavalry were posted, that was so speedily scattered.
But the right, which was not so hotly pursued, collected upon a knoll;  28
and when the Hellenes saw them standing firm, it seemed the easiest
and least dangerous course to go against them at once. Raising the
battle hymn, they straightway fell upon them, but the others did not
await their coming. Thereupon the peltasts gave chase until the right
of the enemy was in its turn scattered, though with slight loss in
killed; for the enemy's cavalry was numerous and threatening.

But when the Hellenes saw the cavalry of Pharnabazus still standing in
compact order, and the Bithynian horsemen massing together as if to
join it, and like spectators gazing down from a knoll at the
occurrences below; though weary, they determined to attack the enemy
as best they could, and not suffer him to recover breath with reviving
courage. So they formed in compact line and advanced. Thereupon the
hostile cavalry turned and fled down the steep as swiftly as if they
had been pursued by cavalry. In fact they sought the shelter of a
gully, the existence of which was unknown to the Hellenes. The latter
accordingly turned aside too soon and gave up the chase, for it was
too late. Returning to the point where the first encounter took place
they erected a trophy, and went back to the sea about sunset. It was
something like seven miles to camp.

VI

After this the enemy confined themselves to their own concerns, and     1
removed their households and property as far away as possible. The
Hellenes, on their side, were still awaiting the arrival of Cleander
with the ships of war and transports, which ought to be there soon. So
each day they went out with the baggage animals and slaves and
fearlessly brought in wheat and barley, wine and vegetables, millet
and figs; since the district produced all good things, the olive alone
excepted. When the army stayed in camp to rest, pillaging parties were
allowed to go out, and those who went out appropriated the spoils; but
when the whole army went out, if any one went off apart and seized      2
anything, it was voted to be public property. Ere long there was an
ample abundance of supplies of all sorts, for marketables arrived from
Hellenic cities on all sides, and marts were established. Mariners
coasting by, and hearing that a city was being founded and that there
was a harbour, were glad to put in. Even the hostile tribes dwelling
in the neighbourhood presently began to send envoys to Xenophon. It
was he who was forming the place into a city, as they understood, and
they would be glad to learn on what terms they might secure his
friendship. He made a point of introducing these visitors to the
soldiers.

Meanwhile Cleander arrived with two ships of war, but not a single
transport. At the moment of his arrival, as it happened, the army had
taken the field, and a separate party had gone off on a pillaging
expedition into the hills and had captured a number of small cattle.
In thir apprehension of being deprived of them, these same people
spoke to Dexippus (this was the same man who had made off from
Trapezus with the fifty-oared galley), and urged him to save their
sheep for them. "Take some for yourself," said they, "and give the
rest back to us." So, without more ado, he drove off the soldiers
standing near, who kept repeating that the spoil was public property.
Then off he went to Cleander. "Here is an attempt," said he, "at
robbery." Cleander bade him to bring up the culprit to him. Dexippus
seized on some one, and was for haling him to the Spartan governor.
Just then Agasias came across him and rescued the man, who was a
member of his company; and the rest of the soldiers present set to
work to stone Dexippus, calling him "traitor." Things looked so ill
that a number of the crew of the ships of war took fright and fled to
the sea, and with the rest Cleander himself. Xenophon and the other
generals tried to hold the men back, assuring Cleander that the affair
signified nothing at all, and that the origin of it was a decree pased
by the army. That was to blame, if anything. But Cleander, goaded by
Dexippus, and personally annoyed at the fright which he had
experienced, threatened to sail away and publish an interdict against
them, forbidding any city to receive them, as being public enemies.     9
For at this date the Lacedaemonians held sway over the whole Hellenic
world.

Thereat the affair began to wear an ugly look, and the Hellenes begged
and implored Cleander to reconsider his intention. He replied that he
would be as good as his word, and that nothing should stop him, unless
the man who set the example of stoning, with the other who rescued the
prisoner, were given up to him. Now, one of the two whose persons were
thus demanded--Agasias--had been a friend to Xenophon throughout; and
that was just why Dexippus was all the more anxious to accuse him. In
their perplexity the generals summoned a full meeting of the soldiers,
and some speakers were disposed to make very light of Cleander and set
him at naught. But Xenophon took a more serious view of the matter; he
rose and addressed the meeting thus: "Soldiers, I cannot say that I
feel disposed to make light of this business, if Cleander be allowed
to go away, as he threatens to do, in his present temper towards us.
There are Hellenic cities close by; but then the Lacedaemonians are
the lords of Hellas, and they can, any one of them, carry out whatever
they like in the cities. If then the first thing this Lacedaemonian
does is to close the gates of Byzantium, and next to pass an order to
the other governors, city by city, not to receive us because we are a
set of lawless ruffians disloyal to the Lacedaemonians; and if,
further, this report of us should reach the ears of their admiral,
Anaxibius, to stay or to sail away will alike be difficult. Remember,
the Lacedaemonians at the present time are lords alike on land and on
sea. For the sake then of a single man, or for two men's sake, it is
not right that the rest of us should be debarred from Hellas; but
whatever they enjoin we must obey. Do not the cities which gave us
birth yield them obedience also? For my own part, inasmuch as
Dexippus, I believe, keeps telling Cleander that Agasias would never
have done this had not I, Xenophon, bidden him, I absolve you of all
complicity, and Agasias too, if Agasias himself states that I am in
any way a prime mover in this matter. If I have set the fashion of
stone-throwing or any other sort of violence I condemn myself--I say
that I deserve the extreme penalty, and I will submit to undergo it. I  15
further say that if any one else is accused, that man is bound to
surrender himself to Cleander for judgement, for by this means you
will be absolved entirely from the accusation. But as the matter now
stands, it is cruel that just when we were aspiring to win praise and
honour throughout Hellas, we are destined to sink below the level of
the rest of the world, banned from the Hellenic cities whose common
name we boast."

After him Agasias got up, and said, "I swear to you, sirs, by the gods
and goddesses, verily and indeed, neither Xenophon nor any one else
among you bade me rescue the man. I saw an honest man--one of my own
company--being taken up by Dexippus, the man who betrayed you, as you
know full well. That I could not endure; I rescued him, I admit the
fact. Do not you deliver me up. I will surrender myself, as Xenophon
suggests, to Cleander to pass what verdict on me he thinks right. Do
not, for the sake of such a matter, make foes of the Lacedaemonians;
rather God grant that (1) each of you may safely reach the goal of his
desire. Only do you choose from among yourselves and send with me to
Cleander those who, in case of any omission on my part, may by their
words and acts supply what is lacking." Thereupon the army granted him
to choose for himself whom he would have go with him and to go; and he
at once chose the generals. After this they all set off to
Cleander--Agasias and the generals and the man who had been rescued by
Agasias--and the generals spoke as follows: "The army has sent us to
you, Cleander, and this is their bidding: 'If you have fault to find
with all, they say, you ought to pass sentence on all, and do with
them what seems best; or if the charge is against one man or two, or
possibly several, what they expect of these people is to surrender
themselves to you for judgement.' Accordingly, if you lay anything to
the charge of us generals, here we stand at your bar. Or do you impute
the fault to some one not here? tell us whom. Short of flying in the
face of our authority, there is no one who will absent himself."

 (1) Reading with the best MSS., {sozoisthe}. Agasias ends his sentence
    with a prayer. Al. {sozesthe}, "act so that each," etc.

At this point Agasias stepped forward and said: "It was I, Cleander,    21
who rescued the man before you yonder from Dexippus, when the latter
was carrying him off, and it was I who gave the order to strike
Dexippus. My plea is that I know the prisoner to be an honest man. As
to Dexippus, I know that he was chosen by the army to command a
fifty-oared galley, which we had obtained by request from the men of
Trapezus for the express purpose of collecting vessels to carry us
safely home. But this same Dexippus betrayed his fellow-soldiers, with
whom he had been delivered from so many perils, and made off into
hiding like a runaway slave, whereby we have robbed the Trapezuntines
of their frigate, and must needs appear as knaves in their eyes for
this man's sake. As to ourselves, as far as he could, he has ruined
us; for, like the rest of us, he had heard how all but impossible it
was for us to retreat by foot across the rivers and to reach Hellas in
safety. That is the stamp of man whom I robbed of his prey. Now, had
it been you yourself who carried him off, or one of your emissaries,
or indeed any one short of a runaway from ourselves, be sure that I
should have acted far otherwise. Be assured that if you put me to
death at this time you are sacrificing a good, honest man for the sake
of a coward and a scamp."

When he had listened to these remarks, Cleander replied that if such
had been the conduct of Dexippus, he could not congratulate him. "But
still," he added, turning to the generals, "were Dexippus ever so
great a scamp he ought not to suffer violence; but in the language of
your own demand he was entitled to a fair trial, and so to obtain his
deserts. What I have to say at present therefore is: leave your friend
here and go your way, and when I give the order be present at the
trial. I have no further charge against the army or any one, since the
prisoner himself admits that he rescued the man." Then the man who had
been rescued said: "In behalf of myself, Cleander, if possibly you
think that I was being taken up for some misdeed, it is not so; I
neither struck nor shot; I merely said, 'The sheep are public
property;' for it was a resolution of the soldiers that whenever the
army went out as a body any booty privately obtained was to be public
property. That was all I said, and thereupon yonder fellow seized me    28
and began dragging me off. He wanted to stop our mouths, so that he
might have a share of the things himself, and keep the rest for these
buccaneers, contrary to the ordinance." In answer to that Cleander
said: "Very well, if that is your disposition you can stay behind too,
and we will take your case into consideration also."

Thereupon Cleander and his party proceeded to breakfast; but Xenophon
collected the army in assembly, and advised their sending a deputation
to Cleander to intercede in behalf of the men. Accordingly it was
resolved to send some generals and officers with Dracontius the
Spartan, and of the rest those who seemed best fitted to go. The
deputation was to request Cleander by all means to release the two
men. Accordingly Xenophon came and addressed him thus: "Cleander, you
have the men; the army has bowed to you and assented to do what you
wished with respect to these two members of their body and themselves
in general. But now they beg and pray you to give up these two men,
and not to put them to death. Many a good service have these two
wrought for our army in past days. Let them but obtain this from you,
and in return the army promises that, if you will put yourself at
their head and the gracious gods approve, they will show you how
orderly they are, how apt to obey their general, and, with heaven's
help, to face their foes unflinchingly. They make this further request
to you, that you will present yourself and take command of them and
make trial of them. 'Test us ourselves,' they say, 'and test Dexippus,
what each of us is like, and afterwards assign to each his due.'" When
Cleander heard these things, he answered: "Nay, by the twin gods, I
will answer you quickly enough. Here I make you a present of the two
men, and I will as you say present myself, and then, if the gods
vouchsafe, I will put myself at your head and lead you into Hellas.
Very different is your language from the tale I used to hear
concerning you from certain people, that you wanted to withdraw the
army from allegiance to the Lacedaemonians."

After this the deputation thanked him and retired, taking with them
the two men; then Cleander sacrificed as a preliminary to marching and
consorted friendlily with Xenophon, and the two struck up an alliance.  35
When the Spartan saw with what good discipline the men carried out
their orders, he was still more anxious to become their leader.
However, in spite of sacrifices repeated on three successive days, the
victims steadily remained unfavourable. So he summoned the generals
and said to them: "The victims smile not on me, they suffer me not to
lead you home; but be not out of heart at that. To you it is given, as
it would appear, to bring your men safe home. Forwards then, and for
our part, whenever you come yonder, we will bestow on you as warm a
welcome as we may."

Then the soldiers resolved to make him a present of the public cattle,
which he accepted, but again gave back to them. So he sailed away; but
the soldiers made division of the corn which they had collected and of
the other captured property, and commenced their homeward march
through the territory of the Bithynians.

At first they confined themselves to the main road; but not chancing
upon anything whereby they might reach a friendly territory with
something in their pockets for themselves, they resolved to turn sharp
round, and marched for one day and night in the opposite direction. By
this proceeding they captured many slaves and much small cattle; and
on the sixth day reached Chrysopolis in Chalcedonia (2). Here they
halted seven days while they disposed of their booty by sale.

 (2) The name should be written "Calchedonia." The false form drove out
    the more correct, probably through a mispronunciation, based on a
    wrong derivation, at some date long ago. The sites of Chrysopolis
    and Calchedon correspond respectively to the modern Scutari and
    Kadikoi.

BOOK VII

 (In the earlier portion of the narrative will be found a
detailed history of the fortunes of the Hellenes during their
march up country with Cyrus down to the date of the battle;
and, subsequently to his death, until they reached the Euxine;
as also of all their doings in their efforts to escape from
the Euxine, partly by land marches and partly under sail by
sea, until they found themselves outside the mouth of the
Black Sea (south of the Bosphorus) at Chrysopolis in Asia.)

I

At this point Pharnabazus, who was afraid that the army might           1
undertake a campaign against his satrapy, sent to Anaxibius, the
Spartan high admiral, who chanced to be in Byzantium, and begged him
to convey the army out of Asia, undertaking to comply with his wishes
in every respect. Anaxibius accordingly sent to summon the generals
and officers to Byzantium, and promised that the soldiers should not
lack pay for service, if they crossed the strait. The officers said
that they would deliberate and return an answer. Xenophon individually
informed them that he was about to quit the army at once, and was only
anxious to set sail. Anaxibius pressed him not to be in so great a
hurry: "Cross over with the rest," he said, "and then it will be time
enough to think about quitting the army." This the other undertook to
do.

Now Seuthes the Thracian sent Medosades and begged Xenophon to use his
influence to get the army across. "Tell Xenophon, if he will do his
best for me in this matter, he will not regret it." Xenophon answered:
"The army is in any case going to cross; so that, as far as that is
concerned, Seuthes is under no obligation to me or to any one else;     6
but as soon as it is once across, I personally shall be quit of it.
Let Seuthes, therefore, as far as he may deem consistent with
prudence, apply to those who are going to remain and will have a voice
in affairs."

After this the whole body of troops crossed to Byzantium. But
Anaxibius, instead of proceeding to give pay, made proclamation that,
"The soldiers were to take up their arms and baggage and go forth," as
if all he wished were to ascertain their numbers and bid them
god-speed at the same moment. The soldiers were not well pleased at
that, because they had no money to furnish themselves with provisions
for the march; and they sluggishly set about getting their baggage
together. Xenophon meanwhile, being on terms of intimacy with the
governor, Cleander, came to pay his host a final visit, and bid him
adieu, being on the point of setting sail. But the other protested;
"Do not do so, or else," said he, "you will be blamed, for even now
certain people are disposed to hold you to account because the army is
so slow in getting under weigh." The other answered, "Nay, I am not to
blame for that. It is the men themselves, who are in want of
provisions; that is why they are out of heart at their exodus." "All
the same," he replied, "I advise you to go out, as if you intended to
march with them, and when you are well outside, it will be time enough
to take yourself off." "Well then," said Xenophon, "we will go and
arrange all this with Anaxibius." They went and stated the case to the
admiral, who insisted that they must do as he had said, and march out,
bag and baggage, by the quickest road; and as an appendix to the
former edict, he added, "Any one absenting himself from the review and
the muster will have himself to blame for the consequences." This was
peremptory. So out marched, the generals first, and then the rest; and
now, with the exception of here a man and there, they were all
outside; it was a "clean sweep"; and Eteonicus stood posted near the
gates, ready to close them, as soon as the men were fairly out, and to
thrust in the bolt pin.

Then Anaxibius summoned the generals and captains, and addressed them:
"Provisions you had better get from the Thracian villages; you will     13
find plenty of barley, wheat, and other necessaries in them; and when
you have got them, off with you to the Chersonese, where Cyniscus will
take you into his service." Some of the soldiers overheard what was
said, or possibly one of the officers was the medium of communication;
however it was, the news was handed on to the army. As to the
generals, their immediate concern was to try and gain some information
as to Seuthes: "Was he hostile or friendly? also, would they have to
march through the Sacred mountain (1), or round about through the
middle of Thrace?"

 (1) So the mountain-range is named which runs parallel to the
    Propontis (Sea of Marmora) from lat. 41 degrees N. circa to lat.
    40 degrees 30'; from Bisanthe (Rhodosto) to the neck of the
    Chersonese (Gallipoli).

While they were discussing these points, the soldiers snatched up
their arms and made a rush full speed at the gates, with the intention
of getting inside the fortification again. But Eteonicus and his men,
seeing the heavy infantry coming up at a run promptly closed the gates
and thrust in the bolt pin. Then the soldiers fell to battering the
gates, exclaiming that it was iniquitous to thrust them forth in this
fashion into the jaws of their enemies. "If you do not of your own
accord open the gates," they cried, "we will split them in half"; and
another set rushed down to the sea, and so along the break-water and
over the wall into the city; while a third set, consisting of those
few who were still inside, having never left the city, seeing the
affair at the gates, severed the bars with axes and flung the portals
wide open; and the rest came pouring in.

Xenophon, seeing what was happening, was seized with alarm lest the
army betake itself to pillage, and ills incurable be wrought to the
city, to himself, and to the soldiers. Then he set off, and, plunging
into the throng, was swept through the gates with the crowd. The
Byzantines no sooner saw the soldiers forcibly rushing in than they
left the open square, and fled, some to the shipping, others to their
homes, while those already indoors came racing out, and some fell to
dragging down their ships of war, hoping possibly to be safe on board
these; while there was not a soul who doubted but that the city was     19
taken, and that they were all undone. Eteonicus made a swift retreat
to the citadel. Anaxibius ran down to the sea, and, getting on board a
fisherman's smack, sailed round to the acropolis, and at once sent off
to fetch over the garrison troops from Chalcedon, since those already
in the acropolis seemed hardly sufficient to keep the men in check.

The soldiers, catching sight of Xenophon, threw themselves upon him,
crying: "Now, Xenophon, is the time to prove yourself a man. You have
got a city, you have got triremes, you have got money, you have got
men; to-day, if you only chose, you can do us a good turn, and we will
make you a great man." He replied: "Nay, I like what you say, and I
will do it all; but if that is what you have set your hearts on, fall
into rank and take up position at once." This he said, wishing to
quiet them, and so passed the order along the lines himself, while
bidding the rest to do the same: "Take up position; stand easy." But
the men themselves, by a species of self-marshalling, fell into rank,
and were soon formed, the heavy infantry eight deep, while the light
infantry had run up to cover either wing. The Thracian Square, as it
is called, is a fine site for manouvering, being bare of buildings and
level. As soon as the arms were stacked and the men's tempers cooled,
Xenophon called a general meeting of the soldiers, and made the
following speech:--

"Soldiers, I am not surprised at your wrath, or that you deem it
monstrous treatment so to be cheated; but consider what will be the
consequences if we gratify our indignation, and in return for such
deception, avenge ourselves on the Lacedaemonians here present, and
plunder an innocent city. We shall be declared enemies of the
Lacedaemonians and their allies; and what sort of war that will be, we
need not go far to conjecture. I take it, you have not forgotten some
quite recent occurrences. We Athenians entered into war against the
Lacedaemonians and their allies with a fleet consisting of not less
than three hundred line-of-battle ships, including those in dock as
well as those afloat. We had vast treasures stored up in the city, and
a yearly income which, derived from home or foreign sources, amounted
to no less than a thousand talents. Our empire included all the         27
islands, and we were possessed of numerous cities both in Asia and in
Europe. Amongst others, this very Byzantium, where we are now, was
ours; and yet in the end we were vanquished, as you all very well
know.

"What, must we anticipate, will now be our fate? The Lacedaemonians
have not only their old allies, but the Athenians and those who were
at that time allies of Athens are added to them. Tissaphernes and all
the rest of the Asiatics on the seaboard are our foes, not to speak of
our arch-enemy, the king himself, up yonder, whom we came to deprive
of his empire, and to kill, if possible. I ask then, with all these
banded together against us, is there any one so insensate as to
imagine that we can survive the contest? For heaven's sake, let us not
go mad or loosely throw away our lives in war with our own native
cities--nay, our own friends, our kith and our kin; for in one or
other of the cities they are all included. Every city will march
against us, and not unjustly, if, after refusing to hold one single
barbarian city by right of conquest, we seize the first Hellenic city
that we come to and make it a ruinous heap. For my part, my prayer is
that before I see such things wrought by you, I, at any rate, may lie
ten thousand fathoms under ground! My counsel to you, as Hellenes, is
to try and obtain your just rights, through obedience to those who
stand at the head of Hellas; and if so be that you fail in those
demands, why, being more sinned against than sinning, need we rob
ourselves of Hellas too? At present, I propose that we should send to
Anaxibius and tell him that we have made an entrance into the city,
not meditating violence, but merely to discover if he and his will
show us any good; for if so, it is well; but of otherwise, at least we
will let him see that he does not shut the door upon us as dupes and
fools. We know the meaning of discipline; we turn our backs and go."

This resolution was passed, and they sent Hieronymus an Eleian, with
two others, Eurylochus an Arcadian and Philesius an Achaean, to
deliver the message. So these set off on their errand. But while the
soldiers were still seated in conclave, Coeratadas, of Thebes,          33
arrived. He was a Theban not in exile, but with a taste for
generalship, who made it his business to see if any city or nation
were in need of his services. Thus, on the present occasion, he
presented himself, and begged to state that he was ready to put
himself at their head, and lead them into the Delta of Thrace (2), as
it is called, where they would find themselves in a land of plenty;
but until they got there, he would provide them with meat and drink
enough and to spare. While they were still listening to this tale, the
return message from Anaxibius came. His answer was: "The discipline,
they had spoken of, was not a thing they would regret; indeed he would
report their behaviour to the authorities at home; and for himself, he
would take advice and do the best he could for them."

 (2) The exact locality, so called, is not known; doubtless it lay
    somewhere between Byzantium and Salmydessus, possibly at Declus
    (mod. Derkos); or possibly the narrow portion of Thrace between
    the Euxine, Bosphorus, and Propontis went by this name. See note
    in Pretor ad. loc., and "Dict. Geog." "Thracia."

Thereupon the soldiers accepted Coeratadas as their general, and
retired without the walls. Their new general undertook to present
himself to the troops next day with sacrificial beasts and a
soothsayer, with eatables also and drinkables for the army. Now, as
soon as they were gone out, Anaxibius closed the gates and issued a
proclamation to the effect that "any of the soldiers caught inside
should be knocked down to the hammer and sold at once." Next day,
Coeratadas arrived with the victims and the soothsayer. A string of
twenty bearers bearing barleymeal followed at his heels, succeeded by
other twenty carrying wine, and three laden with a supply of olives,
and two others carrying, the one about as much garlic as a single man
could lift, and the other a similar load of onions. These various
supplies he set down, apparently for distribution, and began to
sacrifice.

Now Xenophon sent to Cleander, begging him to arrange matters so that
he might be allowed to enter the walls, with a view to starting from
Byzantium on his homeward voyage. Cleander came, and this is what he    39
said: "I have come; but I was barely able to arrange what you want.
Anaxibius insisted: 'It was not convenient that Xenophon should be
inside while the soldiers are close to the walls without; the
Byzantines at sixes and sevens moreover; and no love lost between the
one party of them and the other.' Still, he ended by bidding you to
come inside, if you were really minded to leave the town by sea with
himself." Accordingly Xenophon bade the soldiers good-bye, and
returned with Cleander within the walls.

To return to Coeratadas. The first day he failed to get favourable
signs at the sacrifice, and never a dole of rations did he make to the
soldiers. On the second day the victims were standing ready near the
altar, and so was Coeratadas, with chaplet crowned, all ready to
sacrifice, when up comes Timasion the Dardanian, with Neon the
Asinaean, and Cleanor of Orchomenus, forbidding Coeratadas to
sacrifice: "He must understand there was an end to his generalship,
unless he gave them provisions." The other bade them measure out the
supplies, "Pray, dole them out." But when he found that he had a good
deal short of a single day's provisions for each man, he picked up his
paraphernalia of sacrifice and withdrew. As to being general, he would
have nothing more to say to it.

II

Now these five were left--Neon the Asinaean, Phryniscus the Achaean,    1
Philesius the Achaean, Xanthicles the Achaean, Timasion the
Dardanian--at the head of the army, and they pushed on to some
villages of the Thracians facing Byzantium, and there encamped. Now
the generals could not agree. Cleanor and Phryniscus wished to march
to join Seuthes, who had worked upon their feelings by presenting one
with a horse and the other with a woman to wife. But Neon's object was
to come to the Chersonese: "When we are under the wing of the
Lacedaemonians," he thought, "I shall step to the front and command
the whole army."

Timasion's one ambition was to cross back again into Asia, hoping to
be reinstated at home and end his exile. The soldiers shared the
wishes of the last general. But, as time dragged on, many of the men
sold their arms at different places and set sail as best they could;
others  (actually gave away their arms, some here, some there, and (1))   3
became absorbed in the cities. One man rejoiced. This was Anaxibius,
to whom the break-up of the army was a blessing. "That is the way," he
said to himself, "I can best gratify Pharnabazus."

 (1) The MSS. give the words so rendered--{oi de kai  (didontes ta opla
    kata tous khorous)}, which some critics emend {diadidontes},
    others bracket as suspected, others expunge.

But Anaxibius, while prosecuting his voyage from Byzantium, was met at
Cyzicus by Aristarchus, the new governor, who was to succeed Cleander
at Byzantium; and report said that a new admiral, Polus, if he had not
actually arrived, would presently reach the Hellespont and relieve
Anaxibius. The latter sent a parting injunction to Aristarchus to be
sure and sell all the Cyreian soldiers he could lay hands on still
lingering in Byzantium; for Cleander had not sold a single man of
them; on the contrary, he had made it his business to tend the sick
and wounded, pitying them, and insisting on their being received in
the houses. Aristarchus changed all that, and was no sooner arrived in
Byzantium than he sold no less than four hundred of them. Meanwhile
Anaxibius, on his coasting voyage, reached Parium, and, according to
the terms of their agreement, he sent to Pharnabazus. But the latter,
learning that Aristarchus was the new governor at Byzantim, and that
Anixibius had ceased to be admiral, turned upon him a cold shoulder,
and set out concocting the same measures concerning the Cyreian army
with Aristarchus, as he had lately been at work upon with Anaxibius.

Anaxibius thereupon summoned Xenophon and bade him, by every manner of
means, sail to the army with the utmost speed, and keep it together.
"He was to collect the scattered fragments and march them down to
Perinthus, and thence convey them across to Asia without loss of
time." And herewith he put a thirty-oared galley at his service, and
gave him a letter of authority and an officer to accompany him, with
an order to the Perinthians "to escort Xenophon without delay on
horseback to the army." So it was that Xenophon sailed across and
eventually reached the army. The soldiers gave him a joyous welcome,
and would have been only too glad to cross from Thrace into Asia under
his leadership.

But Seuthes, hearing that Xenophon had arrived, sent Medosades again,   10
by sea to meet him, and begged him to bring the army to him; and
whatever he thought would make his speech persuasive, he was ready to
promise him. But the other replied, that none of these things were
open to him to do; and with this answer Medosades departed, and the
Hellenes proceeded to Perinthus. Here on arrival Neon withdrew his
troops and encamped apart, having about eight hundred men; while the
remainder of the army lay in one place under the walls of Perinthus.

After this, Xenophon set himself to find vessels, so as to lose no
time in crossing. But in the interval Aristarchus, the governor from
Byzantium, arrived with a couple of war-ships, being moved to do so by
Pharnabazus. To make doubly sure, he first forbade the skippers and
shipmasters to carry the troops across, and then he visited the camp
and informed the soldiers that their passage into Asia was forbidden.
Xenophon replied that he was acting under the orders of Anaxibius, who
had sent him thither for this express purpose; to which Aristarchus
retorted, "For the matter of that, Anaxibius is no longer admiral, and
I am governor in this quarter; if I catch any of you at sea, I will
sink you." With these remarks he retired within the walls of
Perinthus.

Next day, he sent for the generals and officers of the army. They had
already reached the fortification walls, when some one brought word to
Xenophon that if he set foot inside, he would be seized, and either
meet some ill fate there or more likely be delivered up to
Pharnabazus. On hearing this Xenophon sent forward the rest of the
party, but for himself pleaded that there was a sacrifice which he
wished to offer. In this way he contrived to turn back and consult the
victims, "Would the gods allow him to try and bring the army over to
Seuthes?" On the one hand it was plain that the idea of crossing over
to Asia in the face of this man with his ships of war, who meant to
bar the passage, was too dangerous. Nor did he altogether like the
notion of being blocked up in the Chersonese with an army in dire need
of everything; where, besides being at the beck and call of the         15
governor of the place, they would be debarred from the necessities of
life.

While Xenophon was thus employed, the generals and officers came back
with a message from Aristarchus, who had told them they might retire
for the present, but in the afternoon he would expect them. The former
suspicions of a plot had now ripened to a certainty. Xenophon meantime
had ascertained that the victims were favourable to his project. He
personally, and the army as a whole, might with safety proceed to
Seuthes, they seemed to say. Accordingly, he took with him Polycrates,
the Athenian captain, and from each of the generals, not including
Neon, some one man whom they could in each case trust, and in the
night they set off to visit the army of Seuthes, sixty furlongs
distant.

As they approached, they came upon some deserted watch-fires, and
their first impression was that Seuthes had shifted his position; but
presently perceiving a confused sound (the voices of Seuthes' people
signalling to one another), the explanation dawned on him: Seuthes
kept his watch-fires kindled in front of, instead of behind, his night
pickets, in order that the outposts, being in the dark, might escape
notice, their numbers and position thus being a mystery; whilst any
party approaching from the outside, so far from escaping notice,
would, through the glare of the fire, stand out conspicuously.
Perceiving how matters stood, Xenophon sent forward his interpreter,
who was one of the party, and bade him inform Seuthes that Xenophon
was there and craved conference with him. The others asked if he were
an Athenian from the army yonder, and no sooner had the interpreter
replied, "Yes, the same," than up they leapt and galloped off; and in
less time than it takes to tell a couple of hundred peltasts had come
up who seized and carried off Xenophon and those with him and brought
them to Seuthes. The latter was in a tower right well guarded, and
there were horses round it in a circle, standing all ready bitted and
bridled; for his alarm was so great that he gave his horses their
provender during the day (2), and during the nights he kept watch and    21
ward with the brutes thus bitted and bridled. It was stated in
explanation that in old days an ancestor of his, named Teres, had been
in this very country with a large army, several of whom he had lost at
the hands of the native inhabitants, besides being robbed of his
baggage train. The inhabitants of the country are Thynians, and they
are reputed to be far the most warlike set of fighters--especially at
night.

 (2) I.e. "instead of letting them graze."

When they drew near, Seuthes bade Xenophon enter, and bring with him
any two he might choose. As soon as they were inside, they first
greeted one another warmly, and then, according to the Thracian
custom, pledged themselves in bowls of wine. There was further present
at the elbow of Seuthes, Medosades, who on all occasions acted as his
ambassador-in-chief. Xenophon took the initiative and spoke as
follows: "You have sent to me, Seuthes, once and again. On the first
occasion you sent Medosades yonder, to Chalcedon, and you begged me to
use my influence in favour of the army crossing over from Asia. You
promised me, in return for this conduct on my part, various
kindnesses; at least that is what Medosades stated"; and before
proceeding further he turned to Medosades and asked, "Is not that so?"
The other assented. "Again, on a second occasion, the same Medosades
came when I had crossed over from Parium to rejoin the army; and he
promised me that if I would bring you the army, you would in various
respects treat me as a friend and brother. He said especially with
regard to certain seaboard places of which you are the owner and lord,
that you were minded to make me a present of them." At this point he
again questioned Medosades, "Whether the words attributed to him were
exact?" and Medosades once more fully assented. "Come now," proceeded
Xenophon, "recount what answer I made you, and first at Chalcedon."
"You answered that the army was, in any case, about to cross over to
Byzantium; and as far as that went, there was no need to pay you or
any one else anything; and for yourself, you added, that once across
you were minded to leave the army, which thing came to pass even as
you said." "Well! what did I say," he asked, "at your next visit, when  28
you came to me in Selybria?" "You said that the proposal was
impossible; you were all going to Perinthus to cross into Asia."
"Good," said Xenophon, "and in spite of it all, at the present moment,
here I am myself, and Phryniscus, one of my colleagues, and Polycrates
yonder, a captain; and outside, to represent the other generals (all
except Neon the Laconian), the trustiest men they could find to send.
So that if you wish to give these transactions the seal of still
greater security, you have nothing to do but to summon them also; and
do you, Polycrates, go and say from me, that I bid them leave their
arms outside, and you can leave your own sword outside before you
enter with them on your return."

When Seuthes had heard so far, he interposed: "I should never mistrust
an Athenian, for we are relatives already (3), I know; and the best of
friends, I believe, we shall be." After that, as soon as the right men
entered, Xenophon first questioned Seuthes as to what use he intended
to make of the army, and he replied as follows: "Maesades was my
father; his sway extended over the Melanditae, the Thynians, and the
Tranipsae. Then the affairs of the Odrysians took a bad turn, and my
father was driven out of this country, and later on died himself of
sickness, leaving me to be brought up as an orphan at the court of
Medocus, the present king. But I, when I had grown to man's estate,
could not endure to live with my eyes fixed on another's board. So I
seated myself on the seat by him as a suppliant, and begged him to
give me as many men as he could spare, that I might wreak what
mischief I could on those who had driven us forth from our land; that
thus I might cease to live in dependence upon another's board, like a
dog watching his master's hand. In answer to my petition, he gave me    34
the men and the horses which you will see at break of day, and
nowadays I live with these, pillaging my own ancestral land. But if
you would join me, I think, with the help of heaven, we might easily
recover my empire. That is what I want of you." "Well then," said
Xenophon, "supposing we came, what should you be able to give us? the
soldiers, the officers, and the generals? Tell us that these witnesses
may report your answer." And he promised to give "to the common
soldiers a cyzicene (4), to a captain twice as much, and to a general
four times as much, with as much land as ever they liked, some yoke of
oxen, and a fortified place upon the seaboard." "But now supposing,"
said Xenophon, "we fail of success, in spite of our endeavours;
suppose any intimidation on the part of the Lacedaemonians should
arise; will you receive into your country any of us who may seek to
find a refuge with you?" He answered: "Nay, not only so, but I shall
look upon you as my brothers, entitled to share my seat, and the joint
possessors of all the wealth which we may be able to acquire. And to
you yourself, O Xenophon! I will give my daughter, and if you have a
daughter, I will buy her in Thracian fashion; and I will give you
Bisanthe as a dwelling-place, which is the fairest of all my
possessions on the seaboard (5)."

 (3) Tradition said that the Thracians and Athenians were connected,
    through the marriage of a former prince Tereus (or Teres) with
    Procne, the daughter of Pandion. This old story, discredited by
    Thucydides, ii. 29, is referred to in Arist. "Birds," 368 foll.
    The Birds are about to charge the two Athenian intruders, when
    Epops, king of the Birds, formerly Tereus, king of Thrace, but
    long ago transformed into a hoopoe, intercedes in behalf of two
    men, {tes emes gunaikos onte suggene kai phuleta}, "who are of my
    lady's tribe and kin." As a matter of history, the Athenians had
    in the year B.C. 431 made alliance with Sitalces, king of the
    Odrysians (the son of Teres, the first founder of their empire),
    and made his son, Sadocus, an Athenian citizen. Cf. Thuc. ib.;
    Arist. Acharnians, 141 foll.

 (4) A cyzicene monthly is to be understood.

 (5) Bisanthe, one of the Ionic colonies founded by Samos, with the
    Thracian name Rhaedestus (now Rodosto), strongly placed so as to
    command the entrance into the Sacred mountain.

III

After listening to these proposals, they gave and accepted pledges of   1
good faith; and so the deputation rode off. Before day they were back
again in camp, and severally rendered a report to those who sent them.
At dawn Aristarchus again summoned the generals and officers, but the
latter resolved to have done with the visit to Aristarchus, and to
summon a meeting of the army. In full conclave the soldiers met, with
the exception of Neon's men, who remained about ten furlongs off. When
they were met together Xenophon rose, and made the following
announcement: "Men, Aristarchus with his ships of war hinders us from
sailing where we fain would go; it is not even safe to set foot on      3
board a vessel. But if he hinders us here, he hastens us there. 'Be
off to the Chersonese,' says he, 'force a passage through the Sacred
mountain.' If we master it and succeed in getting to that place, he
has something in store for us. He promises that he will not sell you
any more, as he did at Byzantium; you shall not be cheated again; you
shall have pay; he will no longer, as now, suffer you to remain in
want of provisions. That is his proposal. But Seuthes says that if you
will go to him he will treat you well. What you have now to consider
is, whether you will stay to debate this question, or leave its
settlement till we have gone up into a land of provisions. If you ask
me my opinion, it is this: Since here we have neither money to buy,
nor leave to take without money what we need, why should we not go up
into these villages where the right to help ourselves is conferred by
might? There, unhampered by the want of bare necessaries, you can
listen to what this man and the other wants of you and choose
whichever sounds best. Let those," he added, "who agree to this, hold
up their hands." They all held them up. "Retire then," said he, "and
get your kit together, and at the word of command, follow your
leader."

After this, Xenophon put himself at the head and the rest followed.
Neon, indeed, and other agents from Aristarchus tried to turn them
from their purpose, but to their persuasions they turned a deaf ear.
They had not advanced much more than three miles, when Seuthes met
them; and Xenophon, seeing him, bade him ride up. He wished to tell
him what they felt to be conducive to their interests, and in the
presence of as many witnesses as possible. As soon as he had
approached, Xenophon said: "We are going where the troops will have
enough to live upon; when we are there, we will listen to you and to
the emissaries of the Laconian, and choose between you both whatever
seems best. If then you will lead us where provisions are to be got in
plenty, we shall feel indebted to you for your hospitality." And
Seuthes answered: "For the matter of that, I know many villages,
close-packed and stocked with all kinds of provisions, just far enough  9
off to give you a good appetite for your breakfasts." "Lead on then!"
said Xenophon. When they had reached the villages in the afternoon,
the soldiers met, and Seuthes made the following speech: "My request
to you, sirs, is that you will take the field with me, and my promise
to you is that I will give every man of you a cyzicene, and to the
officers and generals at the customary rate; besides this I will
honour those who show special merit. Food and drink you shall get as
now for yourselves from the country; but whatever is captured, I shall
claim to have myself, so that by distribution of it I may provide you
with pay. Let them flee, let them creep into hiding-places, we shall
be able to pursue after them, we will track them out; or if they
resist, along with you we will endeavour to subdue them to our hands."
Xenophon inquired: "And how far from the sea shall you expect the army
to follow you?" "Nowhere more than seven days' journey," he answered,
"and in many places less."

After this, permission was given for all who wished to speak, and many
spoke, but ever to one and the same tune: "What Seuthes said, was very
right. It was winter, and for a man to sail home, even if he had the
will to do so, was impossible. On the other hand, to continue long in
a friendly country, where they must depend upon what they could
purchase, was equally beyond their power. If they were to wear away
time and support life in a hostile country, it was safer to do so with
Seuthes than by themselves, not to speak of all these good things; but
if they were going to get pay into the bargain, that indeed was a
godsend." To complete the proceedings, Xenophon said: "If any one
opposes the measure, let him state his views; if not, let the officer
put the proposition to the vote." No one opposed; they put it to the
vote, and the resolution was carried; and without loss of time, he
informed Seuthes that they would take the field with him.

After this the troops messed in their separate divisions, but the
generals and officers were invited by Seuthes to dinner at a
neighbouring village which was in his possession. When they were at
the doors, and on the point of stepping in to dinner, they were met by  16
a certain Heracleides, of Maronea (1). He came up to each guest,
addressing himself particularly to those who, as he conjectured, ought
to be able to make a present to Seuthes. He addressed himself first to
some Parians who were there to arrange a friendship with Medocus, the
king of the Odrysians, and were bearers of presents to the king and to
his wife. Heracleides reminded them: "Medocus is up country twelve
days' journey from the sea; but Seuthes, now that he has got this
army, will be lord on the sea-coast; as your neighbour, then, he is
the man to do you good or do you ill. If you are wise, you will give
him whatever he askes of you. On the whole, it will be laid out at
better interest than if you have it to Medocus, who lives so far off."
That was his mode of persuasion in their case. Next he came to
Timasion the Dardanian, who, some one had told him, was the happy
possessor of certain goblets and oriental carpets. What he said to him
was: "It is customary when people are invited to dinner by Seuthes for
the guests to make him a present; now if he should become a great
person in these parts, he will be able to restore you to your native
land, or to make you a rich man here." Such were the solicitations
which he applied to each man in turn whom he accosted. Presently he
came to Xenophon and said: "You are at once a citizen of no mean city,
and with Seuthes also your own name is very great. Maybe you expect to
obtain a fort or two in this country, just as others of your
countrymen have done (2), and territory. It is only right and proper
therefore that you should honour Seuthes in the most magnificent
style. Be sure, I give this advice out of pure friendliness, for I
know that the greater the gift that you are ready to bestow on him,
the better the treatment you will receive at his hands." Xenophon, on
hearing this, was in a sad dilemma, for he had brought with him, when
he crossed from Parium, nothing but one boy and just enough to pay his
travelling expenses.

 (1) A Greek colony in Thrace. Among Asiatico-Ionian colonies were
    Abdera, founded by Teos, and Maroneia, celebrated for its wine,
    founded by Chios about 540 B.C.--Kiepert, "Man. Anct. Geog." viii.
    182.

 (2) Notably Alcibiades, who possessed two or three such fortresses.

As soon as the company, consisting of the most powerful Thracians       21
there present, with the generals and captains of the Hellenes, and any
embassy from a state which might be there, had arrived, they were
seated in a circle, and the dinner was served. Thereupon three-legged
stools were brought in and placed in front of the assembled guests.
They were laden with pieces of meat, piled up, and there were huge
leavened-loaves fastened on to the pieces of meat with long skewers.
The tables, as a rule, were set beside the guests at intervals. That
was the custom; and Seuthes set the fashion of the performance. He
took up the loaves which lay by his side and broke them into little
pieces, and then threw the fragments here to one and there to another
as seemed to him good; and so with the meat likewise, leaving for
himself the merest taste. Then the rest fell to following the fashion
set them, those that is who had tables placed beside them.

Now there was an Arcadian, Arystas by name, a huge eater; he soon got
tired of throwing the pieces about, and seized a good three-quarters
loaf in his two hands, placed some pieces of meat upon his knees, and
proceeded to discuss his dinner. Then beakers of wine were brought
round, and every one partook in turn; but when the cupbearer came to
Arystas and handed him the bowl, he looked up, and seeing that
Xenophon had done eating: "Give it him," quoth he, "he is more at
leisure. I have something better to do at present." Seuthes, hearing a
remark, asked the cupbearer what was said, and the cupbearer, who knew
how to talk Greek, explained. Then followed a peal of laughter.

When the drinking had advanced somewhat, in came a Thracian with a
white horse, who snatched the brimming bowl and said: "Here's a health
to thee, O Seuthes! Let me present thee with this horse. Mounted on
him, thou shalt capture whom thou choosest to pursue, or retiring from
battle, thou shalt not dread the foe." He was followed by one who
brought in a boy, and presented him in proper style with "Here's a
health to thee, O Seuthes!" A third had "clothes for his wife."
Timasion, the Dardanian, pledged Seuthes, and presented a silver
bowl (3) and a carpet worth ten minae. Gnesippus, an Athenian, got up    28
and said: "It was a good old custom, and a fine one too, that those
who had, should give to the king for honour's sake, but to those who
had not, the king should give; whereby, my lord," he added, "I too may
one day have the wherewithal to give thee gifts and honour." Xenophon
the while was racking his brains what he was to do; he was not the
happier because he was seated in the seat next Seuthes as a mark of
honour; and Heracleides bade the cupbearer hand him the bowl. The wine
had perhaps a little mounted to his head; he rose, and manfully seized
the cup, and spoke: "I also, Seuthes, have to present you with myself
and these my dear comrades to be your trusty friends, and not one of
them against his will. They are more ready, one and all, still more
than I, to be your friends. Here they are; they ask nothing from you
in return, rather they are forward to labour in your behalf; it will
be their pleasure to bear the brunt of battle in voluntary service.
With them, God willing, you will gain vast territory; you will recover
what was once your forefathers'; you will win for yourself new lands;
and not lands only, but horses many, and of men a multitude, and many
a fair dame besides. You will not need to seize upon them in robber
fashion; it is your friends here who, of their own accord, shall take
and bring them to you, they shall lay them at your feet as gifts." Up
got Seuthes and drained with him the cup, and with him sprinkled the
last drops fraternally (4).

 (3) Or rather "saucer" ({phiale}).

 (4) For the Thracian custom, vide Suidas, s.v. {kataskedazein}.

At this stage entered musicians blowing upon horns such as they use
for signal calls, and trumpeting on trumpets, made of raw oxhide,
tunes and airs, like the music of the double-octave harp (5). Seuthes
himself got up and shouted, trolling forth a war song; then he sprang
from his place and leapt about as though he would guard himself
against a missile, in right nimble style. Then came in a set of clowns
and jesters.

 (5) Or, "magadis." This is said to have been one of the most perfect
    instruments. It comprised two full octaves, the left hand playing
    the same notes as the right an octave lower. Guhl and Koner, p.
    203, Engl. transl. See also "Dict. Antiq." "Musica"; and Arist.
    "Polit." xix. 18, {Dia ti e dia pason sumphonia adetai mone;
    magasizousi gar tauten, allen de oudemian}, i.e. "since no
    interval except the octave ({dia pason}) could be 'magidised' (the
    effect of any other is well known to be intolerable), therefore no
    other interval was employed at all."

But when the sun began to set, the Hellenes rose from their seats. It   33
was time, they said, to place the night sentinels and to pass the
watchword; further, they begged of Seuthes to issue an order that none
of the Thracians were to enter the Hellenic camp at night, "since
between your Thracian foes and our Thracian friends there might be
some confusion." As they sallied forth, Seuthes rose to accompany
them, like the soberest of men. When they were outside, he summoned
the generals apart and said: "Sirs, our enemies are not aware as yet
of our alliance. If, therefore, we attack them before they take
precautions not to be caught, or are prepared to repel assault, we
shall make a fine haul of captives and other stock." The generals
fully approved of these views, and bade him lead on. He answered:
"Prepare and wait; as soon as the right time comes I will be with you.
I shall pick up the peltasts and yourselves, and with the help of the
gods, I will lead on." "But consider one point," urged Xenophon; "if
we are to march by night, is not the Hellenic fashion best? When
marching in the daytime that part of the army leads the van which
seems best suited to the nature of the country to be traversed--heavy
or light infantry, or cavalry; but by night our rule is that the
slowest arm should take the lead. Thus we avoid the risk of being
pulled to pieces: and it is not so easy for a man to give his
neighbour the slip without intending, whereas the scattered fragments
of an army are apt to fall foul of one another, and to cause damage or
incur it in sheer ignorance." To this Seuthes replied: "You reason
well, and I will adopt your custom. I will furnish you with guides
chosen from the oldest experts of the country, and I will myself
follow with the cavalry in the rear; it will not take me long, if need
be, to present myself at the front." Then, for kinship's sake, they
chose "Athenaia (6)" as their watchword. With this, they turned and
sought repose.

 (6) "Our Lady of Athens."

It was about midnight when Seuthes presented himself with his cavalry
troopers armed with corselets, and his light infantry under arms. As    40
soon as he had handed over to them the promised guides, the heavy
infantry took the van, followed by the light troops in the centre,
while the cavalry brought up the rear. At daybreak Seuthes rode up to
the front. He complimented them on their method: so often had he
himself, while marching by night with a mere handful of men, been
separated with his cavalry from his infantry. "But now," said he, "we
find ourselves at dawn of day all happily together, just as we ought
to be. Do you wait for me here," he proceeded, "and recruit
yourselves. I will take a look round and rejoin you." So saying he
took a certain path over hill and rode off. As soon as he had reached
deep snow, he looked to see whether there were footprints of human
beings leading forward or in the opposite direction; and having
satisfied himself that the road was untrodden, back he came,
exclaiming: "God willing, sirs, it will be all right; we shall fall on
the fellows, before they know where they are. I will lead on with the
cavalry; so that if we catch sight of any one, he shall not escape and
give warning to the enemy. Do you follow, and if you are left behind,
keep to the trail of the horses. Once on the other side of the
mountains, we shall find ourselves in numerous thriving villages."

By the middle of the day he had already gained the top of the pass and
looked down upon the villages below. Back he came riding to the heavy
infantry and said: "I will at once send off the cavalry into the plain
below, and the peltasts too, to attack the villages. Do you follow
with what speed you may, so that in case of resistance you may lend us
your aid." Hearing this, Xenophon dismounted, and the other asked:
"Why do you dismount just when speed is the thing we want?" The other
answered: "But you do not want me alone, I am sure. The hoplites will
run all the quicker and more cheerily if I lead them on foot."

Thereupon Seuthes went off, and Timasion with him, taking the Hellene
squadron of something like forty troopers. Then Xenophon passed the
order: the active young fellows up to thirty years of age from the
different companies to the front; and off with these he went himself,
bowling along (7); while Cleanor led the other Hellenes. When they had   46
reached the villages, Seuthes, with about thirty troopers, rode up,
exclaiming: "Well, Xenophon, this is just what you said! the fellows
are caught, but now look here. My cavalry have gone off unsupported;
they are scattered in pursuit, one here, one there, and upon my word,
I am more than half afraid the enemy will collect somewhere and do
them a mischief. Some of us must remain in the villages, for they are
swarming with human beings." "Well then," said Xenophon, "I will seize
the heights with the men I have with me, and do you bid Cleanor extend
his line along the level beside the villages." When they had done so,
there were enclosed--of captives for the slave market, one thousand;
of cattle, two thousand; and of other small cattle, ten thousand. For
the time being they took up quarters there.

 (7) {etropkhaze}, a favourite word with our author. Herodotus uses it;
    so does Aristot.; so also Polybius; but the Atticists condemn it,
    except of course in poetry.

IV

But the next day Seuthes burnt the villages to the ground; he left not  1
a single house, being minded to inspire terror in the rest of his
enemies, and to show them what they also were to expect, if they
refused obedience; and so he went back again. As to the booty, he sent
off Heracliedes to Perinthus to dispose of it, with a view to future
pay for the soldiers. But for himself he encamped with the Hellenes in
the lowland country of the Thynians, the natives leaving the flats and
betaking themselves in flight to the uplands.

There was deep snow, and cold so intense that the water brought in for
dinner and the wine within the jars froze; and many of the Hellenes
had their noses and ears frost-bitten. Now they came to understand why
the Thracians wear fox-skin caps on their heads and about their ears;
and why, on the same principle, they are frocked not only about the
chest and bust but so as to cover the loins and thighs as well; and
why on horseback they envelop themselves in long shawls which reach
down to the feet, instead of the ordinary short rider's cloak. Seuthes
sent off some of the prisoners to the hills with a message to say that
if they did not come down to their homes, and live quietly and obey
him, he would burn down their villages and their corn, and leave them   5
to perish with hunger. Thereupon down they came, women and children
and the older men; the younger men preferred to quarter themselves in
the villages on the skirts of the hills. On discovering this, Seuthes
bade Xenophon take the youngest of the heavy infantry and join him on
an expedition. They rose in the night, and by daybreak had reached the
villages; but the majority of the inhabitants made good their escape,
for the hills were close at hand. Those whom he did catch, Seuthes
unsparingly shot down.

Now there was a certain Olynthian, named Episthenes; he was a great
lover of boys, and seeing a handsome lad, just in the bloom of youth,
and carrying a light shield, about to be slain, he ran up to Xenophon
and supplicated him to rescue the fair youth. Xenophon went to Seuthes
and begged him not to put the boy to death. He explained to him the
disposition of Episthenes; how he had once enrolled a company, the
only qualification required being that of personal beauty; and with
these handsome young men at his side there were none so brave as he.
Seuthes put the question, "Would you like to die on his behalf,
Episthenes?" whereat the other stretched out his neck, and said,
"Strike, if the boy bids you, and will thank his preserver." Seuthes,
turning to the boy, asked, "Shall I smite him instead of you?" The boy
shook his head, imploring him to slay neither the one nor the other,
whereupon Episthenes caught the lad in his arms, exclaiming, "It is
time you did battle with me, Seuthes, for my boy; never will I yield
him up," and Seuthes laughed: "what must be must," and so consented.

In these villages he decided that they must bivouac, so that the men
on the mountains might be still further deprived of subsistence.
Stealthily descending he himself found quarters in the plain; while
Xenophon with his picked troops encamped in the highest village on the
skirts of the hills,; and the rest of the Hellenes hard by, among the
highland Thracians (1), as they are called.

 (1) Cf. "Highlanders."

After this, not many days had idly slipt away before the Thracians
from the mountains came down and wished to arrange with Seuthes for     12
terms of truce and hostages. Simultaneously came Xenophon and informed
Seuthes that they were camped in bad quarters, with the enemy next
door; "it would be pleasanter too," he added, "to bivouac in a strong
position in the open, than under cover on the edge of destruction."
The other bade him take heart and pointed to some of their hostages,
as much as to say "Look there!" Parties also from the mountaineers
came down and pleaded with Xenophon himself, to help arrange a truce
for them. This he agreed to do, bidding them to pluck up heart, and
assuring them that they would meet with no mischief, if they yielded
obedience to Seuthes. All their parleying, however, was, as it turned
out, merely to get a closer inspection of things. This happened in the
day, and in the following night the Thynians descended from the hill
country and made an attack. In each case, the guide was the master of
the house attacked; otherwise it would have taxed their powers to
discover the houses in the dark, which, for the sake of their flocks
and herds, were palisaded all round with great stockades. As soon as
they had reached the doors of any particular house, the attack began,
some hurling in their spears, others belabouring with their clubs,
which they carried, it was said, for the purpose of knocking off the
lance points from the shaft. Others were busy setting the place on
fire; and they kept calling Xenophon by name: "Come out, Xenophon, and
die like a man, or we will roast you alive inside."

By this time too the flames were making their appearance through the
roof, and Xenophon and his followers were within, with their coats of
mail on, and big shields, swords, and helmets. Then Silanus, a
Macistian (2), a youth of some eighteen years, signalled on the
trumpet; and in an instant, out they all leapt with their drawn
swords, and the inmates of other quarters as well. The Thracians took
to their heels, according to their custom, swinging their light
shields round their backs. As they leapt over the stockade some were
captured, hanging on the top with their shields caught in the palings;
others missed the way out, and so were slain; and the Hellenes chased
them hotly, till they were outside the village.

 (2) "Of Macistus," a town in the Triphylia near Scillus.

A party of Thynians turned back, and as the men ran past in bold        18
relief against a blazing house, they let fly a volley of javelins, out
of the darkness into the glare, and wounded two captains, Hieronymus,
an Euodean (3), and Theogenes, a Locrian. No one was killed, only the
clothes and baggage of some of the men were consumed in the flames.
Presently up came Seuthes to the rescue with seven troopers, the first
to hand, and his Thracian trumpeteer by his side. Seeing that
something had happened, he hastened to the rescue, and ever the while
his bugler wound his horn, which music added terror to the foe.
Arrived at length, he greeted them with outstretched hand, exclaiming,
"I thought to find you all dead men."

 (3) If this is the same man as Hieronymus of Elis, who has been
    mentioned two or three times already, possibly the word {Euodea}
    points to some town or district of Elis; or perhaps the text is
    corrupt.

After that, Xenophon begged him to hand over the hostages to himself,
and if so disposed, to join him on an expedition to the hills, or if
not, to let him go alone. Accordingly the next day Seuthes delivered
up the hostages. They were men already advanced in years, but the pick
of the mountaineers, as they themselves gave out. Not merely did
Seuthes do this, but he came himself, with his force at his back (and
by this time he had treble his former force, for many of the
Odrysians, hearing of his proceedings, came down to join in the
campaign); and the Thynians, espying from the mountains the vast array
of heavy infantry and light infantry and cavalry, rank upon rank, came
down and supplicated him to make terms. "They were ready," they
professed, "to do all that he demanded; let him take pledges of their
good faith." So Seuthes summoned Xenophon and explained their
proposals, adding that he should make no terms with them, if Xenophon
wished to punish them for their night attack. The latter replied: "For
my part, I should think their punishment is great enough already, if
they are to be slaves instead of free men; still," he added, "I advise
you for the future to take as hostages those who are most capable of
doing mischief, and to let the old men abide in peace at home." So to
a man they gave in their adhesion in that quarter of the country.

V

Crossing over in the direction of the Thracians above Byzantium, they   1
reached the Delta, as it is called. Here they were no longer in the
territory of the Maesades, but in the country of Teres the Odrysian
 (an ancient worthy (1)). Here Heracleides met them with the proceeds of
the spoil, and Seuthes picked out three pairs of mules (there were
only three, the other teams being oxen); then he summoned Xenophon and
bade him take them, and divide the rest between the generals and
officers, to which Xenophon replied that for himself, he was content
to receive his share another time, but added: "Make a present of these
to my friends here, the generals who have served with me, and to the
officers." So of the pairs of mules Timasion the Dardanian received
one, Cleanor the Orchomenian one, and Phryniscus the Achaean one. The
teams of oxen were divided among the officers. Then Seuthes proceeded
to remit pay due for the month already passed, but all he could give
was the equivalent of twenty days. Heracleides insisted that this was
all he had got by his trafficking. Whereupon Xenophon with some warmth
exclaimed: "Upon my word, Heracleides, I do not think you care for
Seuthes' interest as you should. If you did, you have been at pains to
bring back the full amount of the pay, even if you had had to raise a
loan to do so, and, if by no other means, by selling the coat off your
own back."

 (1) See above re previous Teres. The words "an ancient worthy" may
    possibly be an editor's or commentator's note.

What he said annoyed Heracleides, who was afraid of being ousted from
the friendship of Seuthes, and from that day forward he did his best
to calumniate Xenophon before Seuthes. The soldiers, on their side,
laid the blame of course on Xenophon: "Where was their pay?" and
Seuthes was vexed with him for persistently demanding it for them. Up
to this date he had frequently referred to what he would do when he
got to the seaboard again; how he intended to hand over to him
Bisanthe, Ganos, and Neontichos (2). But from this time forward he
never mentioned one of them again. The slanderous tongue of
Heracleides had whispered him:--it was not safe to hand over fortified  8
towns to a man with a force at his back.

 (2) For Bisanthe see above. Ganos, a little lower down the coast, with
    Neontichos once belonged to Alcibiades, if we may believe
    Cornelius Nepos, "Alc." vii. 4, and Plutarch, "Alc." c. 36. See
    above.

Consequently Xenophon fell to considering what he ought to do as
regards marching any further up the country; and Heracleides
introduced the other generals to Seuthes, urging them to say that they
were quite as well able to lead the army as Xenophon, and promising
them that within a day or two they should have full pay for two
months, and he again implored them to continue the campaign with
Seuthes. To which Timasion replied that for his part he would continue
no campaign without Xenophon; not even if they were to give him pay
for five months; and what Timasion said, Phryniscus and Cleanor
repeated; the views of all three coincided.

Seuthes fell to upbraiding Heracleides in round terms. "Why had he not
invited Xenophon with the others?" and presently they invited him, but
by himself alone. He, perceiving the knavery of Heracleides, and that
his object was to calumniate him with the other generals, presented
himself; but at the same time he took care to bring all the generals
and the officers. After their joint consent had been secured, they
continued the campaign. Keeping the Pontus on their right, they passed
through the millet-eating (3) Thracians, as they are called, and
reached Salmydessus. This is a point at which many trading vessels
bound for the Black Sea run aground and are wrecked, owing to a sort
of marshy ledge or sandbank which runs out for a considerable distance
into the sea (4). The Thracians, who dwell in these parts, have set up
pillars as boundary marks, and each set of them has the pillage of its
own flotsom and jetsom; for in old days, before they set up these
landmarks, the wreckers, it is said, used freely to fall foul of and
slay one another. Here was a rich treasure trove, of beds and boxes     14
numberless, with a mass of written books, and all the various things
which mariners carry in their wooden chests. Having reduced this
district, they turned round and went back again. By this time the army
of Seuthes had grown to be considerably larger than the Hellenic army;
for on the one hand, the Odrysians flocked down in still larger
numbers, and on the other, the tribes which gave in their adhesion
from time to time were amalgamated with his armament. They got into
quarters on the flat country above Selybria at about three miles (5)
distance from the sea. As to pay, not a penny was as yet forthcoming,
and the soldiers were cruelly disaffected to Xenophon, whilst Seuthes,
on his side, was no longer so friendlily disposed. If Xenophon ever
wished to come face to face with him, want of leisure or some other
difficulty always seemed to present itself.

 (3) Or, "the Melinophagi."

 (4) See, for a description of this savage coast, Aesch. "Prom." vinc.
    726, etc.--

"{trakheia pontou Salmudesia gnathos
ekhthroxenos nautaisi, metruia neon.}"

"The rugged Salmudesian jaw of the Black Sea,
Inhospitable to sailors, stepmother of ships."

But the poet is at fault in his geography, since he connects "the
Salmydesian jaw" with the Thermodon.

 (5) Lit. "thirty stades." Selybria is about fourty-four miles from
    Byzantium, two-thirds of the way to Perinthus.

VI

At this date, when nearly two months had already passed, an embassy     1
arrived. These were two agents from Thibron--Charminus, a
Lacedaemonian, and Polynicus. They were sent to say that the
Lacedaemonians had resolved to open a campaign against Tissaphernes,
and that Thibron, who had set sail to conduct the war, was anxious to
avail himself of the troops. He could guarantee that each soldier
should receive a daric a month as pay, the officers double pay, and
the generals quadruple. The Lacedaemonian emissaries had no sooner
arrived than Heracleides, having learnt that they had come in search
of the Hellenic troops, goes off himself to Seuthes and says: "The
best thing that could have happened; the Lacedaemonians want these
troops and you have done with them, so that if you hand over the
troops to them, you will do the Lacedaemonians a good turn and will
cease to be bothered for pay any more. The country will be quit of
them once and for ever."

On hearing this Seuthes bade him introduce the emissaries. As soon as
they had stated that the object of their coming was to treat for the
Hellenic troops, he replied that he would willingly give them up, that
his one desire was to be the friend and ally of Lacedaemon. So he
invited them to partake of hospitality, and entertained them            3
magnificently; but he did not invite Xenophon, nor indeed any of the
other generals. Presently the Lacedaemonians asked: "What sort of man
is Xenophon?" and Seuthes answered: "Not a bad fellow in most
respects; but he is too much the soldiers' friend; and that is why it
goes ill with him." They asked: "Does he play the popular leader?" and
Heracleides answered: "Exactly so." "Well then," said they, "he will
oppose our taking away the troops, will he not?" "To be sure he will,"
said Heracleides; "but you have only to call a meeting of the whole
body, and promise them pay, and little further heed will they pay to
him; they will run off with you." "How then are we to get them
collected?" they asked. "Early to-morrow," said Heracleides, "we will
bring you to them; and I know," he added once more, "as soon as they
set eyes on you, they will flock to you with alacrity." Thus the day
ended.

The next day Seuthes and Heracleides brought the two Laconian agents
to the army, and the troops were collected, and the agents made a
statement as follows: "The Lacedaemonians have resolved on war with
Tissaphernes, who did you so much wrong. By going with us therefore
you will punish your enemy, and each of you will get a daric a month,
the officers twice that sum, and the generals quadruple." The soldiers
lent willing ears, and up jumped one of the Arcadians at once, to find
fault with Xenophon. Seuthes also was hard by, wishing to know what
was going to happen. He stood within ear shot, and his interpreter by
his side; not but what he could understand most of what was said in
Greek himself. At this point the Arcadian spoke: "For the matter of
that, Lacedaemonians, we should have been by your sides long ago, if
Xenophon had not persuaded us and brought us hither. We have never
ceased campaigning, night and day, the dismal winter through, but he
reaps the fruit of our toils. Seuthes has enriched him privately, but
deprives us of our honest earnings; so that, standing here as I do to
address you first, all I can say is, that if I might see the fellow
stoned to death as a penalty for all the long dance he has led us, I    10
should feel I had got my pay in full, and no longer grudge the pains
we have undergone." The speaker was followed by another and then
another in the same strain; and after that Xenophon made the following
speech:--

"True is the old adage; there is nothing which mortal man may not
expect to see. Here am I being accused by you to-day, just where my
conscience tells me that I have displayed the greatest zeal on your
behalf. Was I not actually on my road home when I turned back? Not,
God knows, because I learned that you were in luck's way, but because
I heard that you were in sore straits, and I wished to help you, if in
any way I could. I returned, and Seuthes yonder sent me messenger
after messenger, and made me promise upon promise, if only I could
persuade you to come to him. Yet, as you yourselves will bear me
witness, I was not to be diverted. Instead of setting my hand to do
that, I simply led you to a point from which, with least loss of time,
I thought you could cross into Asia. This I believed was the best
thing for you, and you I knew desired it.

"But when Aristarchus came with his ships of war and hindered our
passage across, you will hardly quarrel with me for the step I then
took in calling you together that we might advisedly consider our best
course. Having heard both sides--first Aristarchus, who ordered you to
march to the Chersonese, then Seuthes, who pleaded with you to
undertake a campaign with himself--you all proposed to go with
Seuthes; and you all gave your votes to that effect. What wrong did I
commit in bringing you, whither you were eager to go? If, indeed,
since the time when Seuthes began to tell lies and cheat us about the
pay, I have supported him in this, you may justly find fault with me
and hate me. But if I, who at first was most of all his friend, to-day
am more than any one else at variance with him, how can I, who have
chosen you and rejected Seuthes, in fairness be blamed by you for the
very thing which has been the ground of quarrel between him and me?
But you will tell me, perhaps, that I get from Seuthes what is by
right yours, and that I deal subtly by you? But is it not clear that,
if Seuthes has paid me anything, he has at any rate not done so with    16
the intention of losing by what he gives me, whilst he is still your
debtor? If he gave to me, he gave in order that, by a small gift to
me, he might escape a larger payment to yourselves. But if that is
what you really think has happened, you can render this whole scheme
of ours null and void in an instant by exacting from him the money
which is your due. It is clear, Seuthes will demand back from me
whatever I have got from him, and he will have all the more right to
do so, if I have failed to secure for him what he bargained for when I
took his gifts. But indeed, I am far removed from enjoying what is
yours, and I swear to you by all the gods and goddesses that I have
not taken even what Seuthes promised me in private. He is present
himself and listening, and he is aware in his own heart whether I
swear falsely. And what will surprise you the more, I can swear
besides, that I have not received even what the other generals have
received, no, nor yet what some of the officers have received. But how
so? why have I managed my affairs no better? I thought, sirs, the more
I helped him to bear his poverty at the time, the more I should make
him my friend in the day of his power. Whereas, it is just when I see
the star of his good fortune rising, that I have come to divine the
secret of his character.

"Some one may say, are you not ashamed to be so taken in like a fool?
Yes, I should be ashamed, if it had been an open enemy who had so
deceived me. But, to my mind, when friend cheats friend, a deeper
stain attaches to the perpetrator than to the victim of deceit.
Whatever precaution a man may take against his friend, that we took in
full. We certainly gave him no pretext for refusing to pay us what he
promised. We were perfectly upright in our dealings with him. We did
not dawdle over his affairs, nor did we shrink from any work to which
he challenged us.

"But you will say, I ought to have taken security of him at the time,
so that had he fostered the wish, he might have lacked the ability to
deceive. To meet that retort, I must beg you to listen to certain
things, which I should never have said in his presence, except for
your utter want of feeling towards me, or your extraordinary
ingratitude. Try and recall the posture of your affairs, when I         24
extricated you and brought you to Seuthes. Do you not recollect how at
Perinthus Aristarchus shut the gates in your faces each time you
offered to approach the town, and how you were driven to camp outside
under the canopy of heaven? It was midwinter; you were thrown upon the
resources of a market wherein few were the articles offered for sale,
and scanty the wherewithal to purchase them. Yet stay in Thrace you
must, for there were ships of war riding at anchor in the bay, ready
to hinder your passage across; and what did that stay imply? It meant
being in a hostile country, confronted by countless cavalry, legions
of light infantry. And what had we? A heavy infantry force certainly,
with which we could have dashed at villages in a body possibly, and
seized a modicum of food at most; but as to pursuing the enemy with
such a force as ours, or capturing men or cattle, the thing was out of
the question; for when I rejoined you your original cavalry and light
infantry divisions had disappeared. In such sore straits you lay!

"Supposing that, without making any demands for pay whatever, I had
merely won for you the alliance of Seuthes--whose cavalry and light
infantry were just what you needed--would you not have thought that I
had planned very well for you? I presume, it was through your
partnership with him and his that you were able to find such complete
stores of corn in the villages, when the Thracians were driven to take
to their heels in such hot haste, and you had so large a share of
captives and cattle. Why! from the day on which his cavalry force was
attached to us, we never set eyes on a single foeman in the field,
though up to that date the enemy with his cavalry and his light
infantry used undauntedly to hang on our heels, and effectually
prevented us from scattering in small bodies and reaping a rich
harvest of provisions. But if he who partly gave you this security has
failed to pay in full the wages due to you therefrom, is not that a
terrible misfortune? So monstrous indeed that you think I ought not to
go forth alive (1).

 (1) I.e. the fate of a scape-goat is too good for me.

"But let me ask you, in what condition do you turn your backs on this   31
land to-day? Have you not wintered here in the lap of plenty? Whatever
you have got from Seuthes has been surplus gain. Your enemies have had
to meet the bill of your expenses, whilst you led a merry round of
existence, in which you have not once set eyes on the dead body of a
comrade or lost one living man. Again, if you have achieved any, (or
rather many) noble deeds against the Asiatic barbarian, you have them
safe. And in addition to these to-day you have won for yourselves a
second glory. You undertook a campaign against the European Thracians,
and have mastered them. What I say then is, that these very matters
which you make a ground of quarrel against myself, are rather
blessings for which you ought to show gratitude to heaven.

"Thus far I have confined myself to your side of the matter. Bear with
me, I beg you, while we examine mine. When I first essayed to part
with you and journey homewards, I was doubly blest. From your lips I
had won some praise, and, thanks to you, I had obtained glory from the
rest of Hellas. I was trusted by the Lacedaemonians; else would they
not have sent me back to you. Whereas to-day I turn to go, calumniated
before the Lacedaemonians by yourselves, detested in your behalf by
Seuthes, whom I meant so to benefit, by help of you, that I should
find in him a refuge for myself and for my children, if children I
might have, in after time. And you the while, for whose sake I have
incurred so much hate, the hate of people far superior to me in
strength, you, for whom I have not yet ceased to devise all the good I
can, entertain such sentiments about me. Why? I am no renegade or
runaway slave, you have got hold of. If you carry out what you say, be
sure you will have done to death a man who has passed many a vigil in
watching over you; who has shared with you many a toil and run many a
risk in turn and out of turn; who, thanks to the gracious gods! has by
your side set up full many a trophy over the barbarian; who, lastly,
has strained every nerve in his body to protect you against
yourselves. And so it is, that to-day you can move freely, where you
choose, by sea or by land, and no one can say you nay; and you, on      37
whom this large liberty dawns, who are sailing to a long desired goal,
who are sought after by the greatest of military powers, who have pay
in prospect, and for leaders these Lacedaemonians, our acknowledged
chiefs: now is the appointed time, you think, to put me to a speedy
death. But in the days of our difficulties it was very different, O ye
men of marvellous memory! No! in those days you called me 'father!'
and you promised you would bear me ever in mind, 'your benefactor.'
Not so, however, not so ungracious are those who have come to you
to-day; nor, if I mistake not, have you bettered yourselves in their
eyes by your treatment of me."

With these words he paused, and Charminus the Lacedaemonian got up and
said: "Nay, by the Twins, you are wrong, surely, in your anger against
this man; I myself can bear testimony in his favour. When Polynicus
and I asked Seuthes, what sort of a man he was? Seuthes answered:--he
had but one fault to find with him, that he was too much the soldiers'
friend, which also was the cause why things went wrong with him,
whether as regards us Lacedaemonians or himself, Seuthes."

Upon that Eurylochus of Lusia, an Arcadian, got up and said
(addressing the two Lacedaemonians), "Yes, sirs; and what strikes me
is that you cannot begin your generalship of us better than by
exacting from Seuthes our pay. Whether he like it or no, let him pay
in full; and do not take us away before."

Polycrates the Athenian, who was put forward by Xenophon, said: "If my
eyes do not deceive me, sirs, there stands Heracleides, yonder, the
man who received the property won by our toil, who took and sold it,
and never gave back either to Seuthes or to us the proceeds of the
sale, but kept the money to himself, like the thief he is. If we are
wise, we will lay hold of him, for he is no Thracian, but a Hellene;
and against Hellenes is the wrong he has committed."

When Heracleides heard these words, he was in great consternation; so
he came to Seuthes and said: "If we are wise we will get away from
here out of reach of these fellows." So they mounted their horses and
were gone in a trice, galloping to their own camp. Subsequently         42
Seuthes sent Abrozelmes, his private interpreter, to Xenophon, begging
him to stay behind with one thousand heavy troops; and engaging duly
to deliver to him the places on the seaboard, and the other things
which he had promised; and then, as a great secret, he told him, that
he had heard from Polynicus that if he once got into the clutches of
the Lacedaemonians, Thibron was certain to put him to death. Similar
messages kept coming to Xenophon by letter or otherwise from several
quarters, warning him that he was calumniated, and had best be on his
guard. Hearing which, he took two victims and sacrificed to Zeus the
King: "Whether it were better and happier to stay with Seuthes on the
terms proposed, or depart with the army?" The answer he received was,
"Depart."

VII

After this, Seuthes removed his camp to some considerable distance;     1
and the Hellenes took up their quarters in some villages, selecting
those in which they could best supply their commissariat, on the road
to the sea. Now these particular villages had been given by Seuthes to
Medosades. Accordingly, when the latter saw his property in the
villages being expended by the Hellenes, he was not over well pleased;
and taking with him an Odrysian, a powerful person amongst those who
had come down from the interior, and about thirty mounted troopers, he
came and challenged Xenophon to come forth from the Hellenic host. He,
taking some of the officers and others of a character to be relied
upon, came forward. Then Medosades, addressing Xenophon, said: "You
are doing wrong to pillage our villages; we give you fair warning--I,
in behalf of Seuthes, and this man by my side, who comes from Medocus,
the king up country--to begone out of the land. If you refuse,
understand, we have no notion of handing it over to you; but if you
injure our country we will retaliate upon you as foes."

Xenophon, hearing what they had to say, replied: "Such language
addressed to us by you, of all people, is hard to answer. Yet for the
sake of the young man with you, I will attempt to do so, that at least
he may learn how different your nature is from ours. We," he
continued, "before we were your friends, had the free run of this
country, moving this way or that, as it took our fancy, pillaging and   5
burning just as we chose; and you yourself, Medosades, whenever you
came to us on an embassy, camped with us, without apprehension of any
foe. As a tribe collectively you scarcely approached the country at
all, or if you found yourselves in it, you bivouacked with your horses
bitted and bridled, as being in the territory of your superiors.
Presently you made friends with us, and, thanks to us, by God's help
you have won this country, out of which to-day you seek to drive us; a
country which we held by our own strength and gave to you. No hostile
force, as you well know, was capable of expelling us. It might have
been expected of you personally to speed us on our way with some gift,
in return for the good we did you. Not so; even though our backs are
turned to go, we are too slow in our movements for you. You will not
suffer us to take up quarters even, if you can help it, and these
words arouse no shame in you, either before the gods, or this
Odrysian, in whose eyes to-day you are man of means, though until you
cultivated our friendship you lived a robber's life, as you have told
us. However, why do you address yourself to me? I am no longer in
command. Our generals are the Lacedaemonians, to whom you and yours
delivered the army for withdrawal; and that, without even inviting me
to attend, you most marvellous of men, so that if I lost their favour
when I brought you the troops, I might now win their gratitude by
restoring them."

As soon as the Odrysian had heard this statement, he exclaimed: "For
my part, Medosades, I sink under the earth for very shame at what I
hear. If I had known the truth before, I would never have accompanied
you. As it is, I return at once. Never would King Medocus applaud me,
if I drove forth his benefactors." With these words, he mounted his
horse and rode away, and with him the rest of his horsemen, except
four or five. But Medosades, still vexed by the pillaging of the
country, urged Xenophon to summon the two Lacedaemonians; and he,
taking the pick of his men, came to Charminus and Polynicus and
informed them that they were summoned by Medosades; probably they,
like himself, would be warned to leave the country; "if so," he added,  14
"you will be able to recover the pay which is owing to the army. You
can say to them, that the army has requested you to assist in exacting
their pay from Seuthes, whether he like it or not; that they have
promised, as soon as they get this, cheerfully to follow you; that the
demand seems to you to be only just, and that you have accordingly
promised not to leave, until the soldiers have got their dues." The
Lacedaemonians accepted the suggestion: they would apply these
arguments and others the most forcible they could hit upon; and with
the proper representatives of the army, they immediately set off.

On their arrival Charminus spoke: "If you have anything to say to us,
Medosades, say it; but if not, we have something to say to you." And
Medosades submissively made answer: "I say," said he, "and Seuthes
says the same: we think we have a right to ask that those who have
become our friends should not be ill-treated by you; whatever ill you
do to them you really do to us, for they are a part of us." "Good!"
replied the Lacedaemonians, "and we intend to go away as soon as those
who won for you the people and the territory in question have got
their pay. Failing that, we are coming without further delay to assist
them and to punish certain others who have broken their oaths and done
them wrong. If it should turn out that you come under this head, when
we come to exact justice, we shall begin with you." Xenophon added:
"Would you prefer, Medosades, to leave it to these people themselves,
in whose country we are (your friends, since this is the designation
you prefer), to decide by ballot, which of the two should leave the
country, you or we?" To that proposal he shook his head, but he
trusted the two Laconians might be induced to go to Seuthes about the
pay, adding, "Seuthes, I am sure, will lend a willing ear;" or if they
could not go, then he prayed them to send Xenophon with himself,
promising to lend the latter all the aid in his power, and finally he
begged them not to burn the villages. Accordingly they sent Xenophon,
and with him a serviceable staff. Being arrived, he addressed Seuthes
thus:--

"Seuthes, I am here to advance no claims, but to show you, if I can,    21
how unjust it was on your part to be angered with me because I
zealously demanded of you on behalf of the soldiers what you promised
them. According to my belief, it was no less to your interest to
deliver it up, than it was to theirs to receive it. I cannot forget
that, next to the gods, it was they who raised you up to a conspicuous
eminence, when they made you king of large territory and many men, a
position in which you cannot escape notice, whether you do good or do
evil. For a man so circumstanced, I regarded it as a great thing that
he should avoid the suspicion even of ungrateful parting with his
benefactors. It was a great thing, I thought, that you should be well
spoken of by six thousand human beings; but the greatest thing of all,
that you should in no wise discredit the sincerity of your own word.
For what of the man who cannot be trusted? I see that the words of his
mouth are but vain words, powerless, and unhonoured; but with him who
is seen to regard truth, the case is otherwise. He can achieve by his
words what another achieves by force. If he seeks to bring the foolish
to their senses--his very frown, I perceive, has a more sobering
effect than the chastisement inflicted by another. Or in negotiations
the very promises of such an one are of equal weight with the gifts of
another.

"Try and recall to mind in your own case, what advance of money you
made to us to purchase our alliance. You know you did not advance one
penny. It was simply confidence in the sincerity of your word which
incited all these men to assist you in your campaign, and so to
acquire for you an empire, worth many times more than thirty talents,
which is all they now claim to receive. Here then, first of all, goes
the credit which won for you your kingdom, sold for so mean a sum. Let
me remind you of the great importance which you then attached to the
acquisition of your present conquests. I am certain that to achieve
what stands achieved to-day, you would willingly have foregone the
gain of fifty times that paltry sum. To me it seems that to lose your
present fortune were a more serious loss than never to have won it;
since surely it is harder to be poor after being rich than never to     28
have tasted wealth at all, and more painful to sink to the level of a
subject, being a king, then never to have worn a crown.

"You cannot forget that your present vassals were not persuaded to
become your subjects out of love for you, but by sheer force; and but
for some restraining dread they would endeavour to be free again
to-morrow. And how do you propose to stimulate their sense of awe, and
keep them in good behaviour towards you? Shall they see our soldiers
so disposed towards you that a word on your part would suffice to keep
them now, or if necessary would bring them back again to-morrow? while
others hearing from us a hundred stories in your praise, hasten to
present themselves at your desire? Or will you drive them to conclude
adversely, that through mistrust of what has happened now, no second
set of soldiers will come to help you, for even these troops of ours
are more their friends than yours? And indeed it was not because they
fell short of us in numbers that they became your subjects, but from
lack of proper leaders. There is a danger, therefore, now lest they
should choose as their protectors some of us who regard ourselves as
wronged by you, or even better men than us--the Lacedaemonians
themselves; supposing our soldiers undertake to serve with more
enthusiasm, if the debt you owe to them be first exacted; and the
Lacedaemonians, who need their services, consent to this request. It
is plain, at any rate, that the Thracians, now prostrate at your feet,
would display far more enthusiasm in attacking, than in assisting you;
for your mastery means their slavery, and your defeat their liberty.

"Again, the country is now yours, and from this time forward you have
to make provision for what is yours; and how will you best secure it
an immunity from ill? Either these soldiers receive their dues and go,
leaving a legacy of peace behind, or they stay and occupy an enemy's
country, whilst you endeavour, by aid of a still larger army, to open
a new campaign and turn them out; and your new troops will also need
provisions. Or again, which will be the greater drain on your purse?
to pay off your present debt, or, with that still owing, to bid for
more troops, and of a better quality?

"Heracleides, as he used to prove to me, finds the sum excessive. But   35
surely it is a far less serious thing for you to take and pay it back
to-day than it would have been to pay the tithe of it, before we came
to you; since the limit between less and more is no fixed number, but
depends on the relative capacity of payer and recipient, and your
yearly income now is larger than the whole property which you
possessed in earlier days.

"Well, Seuthes, for myself these remarks are the expression of
friendly forethought for a friend. They are expressed in the double
hope that you may show yourself worthy of the good things which the
gods have given you, and that my reputation may not be ruined with the
army. For I must assure you that to-day, if I wished to injure a foe,
I could not do so with this army. Nor again, if I wished to come and
help you, should I be competent to the task; such is the disposition
of the troops towards me. And yet I call you to witness, along with
the gods who know, that never have I received anything from you on
account of the soldiers. Never to this day have I, to my private gain,
asked for what was theirs, nor even claimed the promises which were
made to myself; and I swear to you, not even had you proposed to pay
me my dues, would I have accepted them, unless the soldiers also had
been going to receive theirs too; how could I? How shameful it would
have been in me, so to have secured my own interests, whilst I
disregarded the disastrous state of theirs, I being so honoured by
them. Of course to the mind of Heracleides this is all silly talk;
since the one great object is to keep money by whatever means. That is
not my tenet, Seuthes. I believe that no fairer or brighter jewel can
be given to a man, and most of all a prince, than the threefold grace
of valour, justice, and generosity. He that possesses these is rich in
the multitude of friends which surround him; rich also in the desire
of others to be included in their number. While he prospers, he is
surrounded by those who will rejoice with him in his joy; or if
misfortune overtake him, he has no lack of sympathisers to give him
help. However, if you have failed to learn from my deeds that I was,
heart and soul, your friend; if my words are powerless to reveal the
fact to-day, I would at least direct your attention to what the         43
soldiers said; you were standing by and heard what those who sought to
blame me said. They accused me to the Lacedaemonians, and the point of
their indictment was that I set greater store by yourself than by the
Lacedaemonians; but, as regards themselves, the charge was that I took
more pains to secure the success of your interests than their own.
They suggested that I had actually taken gifts from you. Was it, do
you suppose, because they detected some ill-will in me towards you
that they made the allegation? Was it not rather, that they had
noticed my abundant zeal on your behalf?

"All men believe, I think, that a fund of kindly feeling is due to him
from whom we accept gifts. But what is your behaviour? Before I had
ministered to you in any way, or done you a single service, you
welcomed me kindly with your eyes, your voice, your hospitality, and
you could not sate yourself with promises of all the fine things that
were to follow. But having once achieved your object, and become the
great man you now are, as great indeed as I could make you, you can
stand by and see me degraded among my own soldiers! Well, time will
teach you--that I fully believe--to pay whatever seems to you right,
and even without the lessons of that teacher you will hardly care to
see whose who have spent themselves in benefiting you, become your
accusers. Only, when you do pay your debt, I beg of you to use your
best endeavour to right me with the soldiers. Leave me at least where
you found me; that is all I ask."

After listening to this appeal, Seuthes called down curses on him,
whose fault it was, that the debt had not long ago been paid, and, if
the general suspicion was correct, this was Heracleides. "For myself,"
said Seuthes, "I never had any idea of robbing you of your just dues.
I will repay." Then Xenophon rejoined: "Since you are minded to pay, I
only ask that you will do so through me, and will not suffer me on
your account to hold a different position in the army from what I held
when we joined you." He replied: "As far as that goes, so far from
holding a less honoured position among your own men on my account, if
you will stay with me, keeping only a thousand heavy infantry, I will
deliver to you the fortified places and everything I promised." The
other answered: "On these terms I may not accept them, only let us go   51
free." "Nay, but I know," said Seuthes, "that it is safer for you to
bide with me than to go away." Then Xenophon again: "For your
forethought I thank you, but I may not stay. Somewhere I may rise to
honour, and that, be sure, shall redound to your gain also." Thereupon
Seuthes spoke: "Of silver I have but little; that little, however, I
give to you, one talent; but of beeves I can give you six hundred
head, and of sheep four thousand, and of slaves six score. These take,
and the hostages besides, who wronged you, and begone." Xenophon
laughed and said: "But supposing these all together do not amount to
the pay; for whom is the talent, shall I say? It is a little dangerous
for myself, is it not? I think I had better be on the look-out for
stones when I return. You heard the threats?"

So for the moment he stayed there, but the next day Seuthes gave up to
them what he had promised, and sent an escort to drive the cattle. The
soldiers at first maintained that Xenophon had gone to take up his
abode with Seuthes, and to receive what he had been promised; so when
they saw him they were pleased, and ran to meet him. And Xenophon,
seeing Charminus and Polynicus, said: "Thanks to your intervention,
this much has been saved for the army. My duty is to deliver this
fraction over to your keeping; do you divide and distribute it to the
soldiers." Accordingly they took the property and appointed official
vendors of the booty, and in the end incurred considerable blame.
Xenophon held aloof. In fact it was no secret that he was making his
preparations to return home, for as yet the vote of banishment had not
been passed at Athens (1). But the authorities in the camp came to him
and begged him not to go away until he had conducted the army to its
destination, and handed it over to Thibron.

 (1) I.e. "at this moment the vote of banishment had not been passed
    which would prevent his return to Athens." The natural inference
    from these words is, I think, that the vote of banishment was
    presently passed, at any rate considerably earlier than the battle
    of Coronea in B.C. 394, five years and a half afterwards.

VIII

From this place they sailed across to Lampsacus, and here Xenophon was  1
met by Eucleides the soothsayer, a Phliasian, the son of Cleagoras,
who painted "the dreams (1)" in the Lycium. Eucleides congratulated
Xenophon upon his safe return, and asked him how much gold he had got?
and Xenophon had to confess: "Upon my word, I shall have barely enough
to get home, unless I sell my horse, and what I have about my person."
The other could not credit the statement. Now when the Lampsacenes
sent gifts of hospitality to Xenophon, and he was sacrificing to
Apollo, he requested the presence of Eucleides; and the latter, seeing
the victims, said: "Now I believe what you said about having no money.
But I am certain," he continued, "if it were ever to come, there is an
obstacle in the way. If nothing else, you are that obstacle yourself."
Xenophon admitted the force of that remark. Then the other: "Zeus
Meilichios (2) is an obstacle to you, I am sure," adding in another
tone of voice, "have you tried sacrificing to that god, as I was wont
to sacrifice and offer whole burnt offerings for you at home?"
Xenophon replied that since he had been abroad, he had not sacrificed
to that god. Accordingly Eucleides counselled him to sacrifice in the
old customary way: he was sure that his fortune would improve. The
next day Xenophon went on to Ophrynium and sacrificed, offering a
holocaust of swine, after the custom of his family, and the signs
which he obtained were favourable. That very day Bion and Nausicleides
arrived laden with gifts for the army. These two were hospitably
entertained by Xenophon, and were kind enough to repurchase the horse
he had sold in Lampsacus for fifty darics; suspecting that he had
parted with it out of need, and hearing that he was fond of the beast
they restored it to him, refusing to be remunerated.

 (1) Reading {ta enupnia}, or if {ta entoikhia} with Hug and others,
    translate "the wall-paintings" or the "frescoes." Others think
    that a writing, not a painting, is referred to.

 (2) Zeus Meilichios, or the gentle one. See Thuc. i. 126. The festival
    of the Diasia at Athens was in honour of that god, or rather of
    Zeus under that aspect. Cf. Arist. "Clouds," 408.

From that place they marched through the Troad, and, crossing Mount
Ida, arrived at Antandrus, and then pushed along the seaboard of Mysia
to the plain of Thebe (3). Thence they made their way through            8
Adramytium and Certonus (4) by Atarneus, coming into the plain of the
Caicus, and so reached Pergamus in Mysia.

 (3) Thebe, a famous ancient town in Mysia, at the southern foot of Mt.
    Placius, which is often mentioned in Homer ("Il." i. 366, vi. 397,
    xxii. 479, ii. 691). See "Dict. Geog." s.v. The name {Thebes
    pedion} preserves the site. Cf. above {Kaustrou pedion}, and such
    modern names as "the Campagna" or "Piano di Sorrento."

 (4) The site of Certonus is not ascertained. Some critics have
    conjectured that the name should be Cytonium, a place between
    Mysia and Lydia; and Hug, who reads {Kutoniou}, omits {odeusantes
    par 'Atanea}, "they made their way by Atarneus," as a gloss.

Here Xenophon was hospitably entertained at the house of Hellas, the
wife of Gongylus the Eretrian (5), the mother of Gorgion and Gongylus.
From her he learnt that Asidates, a Persian notable, was in the plain.
"If you take thirty men and go by night, you will take him prisoner,"
she said, "wife, children, money, and all; of money he has a store;"
and to show them the way to these treasures, she sent her own cousin
and Daphnagoras, whom she set great store by. So then Xenophon, with
these two to assist, did sacrifice; and Basias, an Eleian, the
soothsayer in attendance, said that the victims were as promising as
could be, and the great man would be an easy prey. Accordingly, after
dinner he set off, taking with him the officers who had been his
staunchest friends and confidants throughout; as he wished to do them
a good turn. A number of others came thrusting themselves on their
company, to the number of six hundred, but the officers repelled them:
"They had no notion of sharing their portion of the spoil," they said,
"just as though the property lay already at their feet."

 (5) Cf. Thuc. i. 128; also "Hell." III. i. 6.

About midnight they arrived. The slaves occupying the precincts of the
tower, with the mass of goods and chattles, slipped through their
fingers, their sole anxiety being to capture Asidates and his
belongings. So they brought their batteries to bear, but failing to
take the tower by assault (since it was high and solid, and well
supplied with ramparts, besides having a large body of warlike
defenders), they endeavoured to undermine it. The wall was eight clay
bricks thick, but by daybreak the passage was effected and the wall
undermined. At the first gleam of light through the aperture, one of    14
the defendants inside, with a large ox-spit, smote right through the
thigh of the man nearest the hole, and the rest discharged their
arrows so hotly that it was dangerous to come anywhere near the
passage; and what with their shouting and kindling of beacon fires, a
relief party at length arrived, consisting of Itabelius at the head of
his force, and a body of Assyrian heavy infantry from Comania, and
some Hyrcanian cavalry (6), the latter also being mercenaries of the
king. There were eighty of them, and another detachment of light
troops, about eight hundred, and more from Parthenium, and more again
from Apollonia and the neighbouring places, also cavalry.

 (6) The Hyrcanian cavalry play an important part in the "Cyropaedeia."
    They are the Scirites of the Assyrian army who came over to Cyrus
    after the first battle. Their country is the fertile land touching
    the south-eastern corner of the Caspian. Cf. "Cyrop." IV. ii. 8,
    where the author (or an editor) appends a note on the present
    status of the Hyrcanians.

It was now high time to consider how they were to beat a retreat. So
seizing all the cattle and sheep to be had, with the slaves, they put
them within a hollow square and proceed to drive them off. Not that
they had a thought to give to the spoils now, but for precaution's
sake and for fear lest if they left the goods and chattels behind and
made off, the retreat would rapidly degenerate into a stampede, the
enemy growing bolder as the troops lost heart. For the present then
they retired as if they meant to do battle for the spoils. As soon as
Gongylus espied how few the Hellenes were and how large the attacking
party, out he came himself, in spite of his mother, with his private
force, wishing to share in the action. Another too joined in the
rescue--Procles, from Halisarna and Teuthrania, a descendant of
Damaratus. By this time Xenophon and his men were being sore pressed
by the arrows and slingstones, though they marched in a curve so as to
keep their shields facing the missiles, and even so, barely crossed the
river Carcasus, nearly half of them wounded. Here it was that Agasias
the Stymphalian, the captain, received his wound, while keeping up a
steady unflagging fight against the enemy from beginning to end. And
so they reached home in safety with about two hundred captives, and
sheep enough for sacrifices.

The next day Xenophon sacrificed and led out the whole army under the   20
cover of night, intending to pierce far into the heart of Lydia with a
view to lulling to sleep the enemy's alarm at his proxmity, and so in
fact to put him off his guard. But Asidates, hearing that Xenophon had
again sacrificed with the intention of another attack, and was
approaching with his whole army, left his tower and took up quarters
in some villages lying under the town of Parthenium. Here Xenophon's
party fell in with him, and took him prisoner, with his wife, his
children, his horses, and all that he had; and so the promise of the
earlier victims was literally fulfilled. After that they returned
again to Pergamus, and here Xenophon might well thank God with a warm
heart, for the Laconians, the officers, the other generals, and the
soldiers as a body united to give him the pick of horses and cattle
teams, and the rest; so that he was now in a position himself to do
another a good turn.

Meanwhile Thibron arrived and received the troops which he
incorporated with the rest of his Hellenic forces, and so proceeded to
prosecute a war against Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus (7).

 (7) The MSS. add: "The following is a list of the governors of the
    several territories of the king which were traversed by us during
    the expedition: Artimas, governor of Lydia; Artacamas, of Phrygia;
    Mithridates, of Lycaonia and Cappadocia; Syennesis, of Cilicia;
    Dernes, of Phoenicia and Arabia; Belesys, of Syria and Assyria;
    Rhoparas, of Babylon; Arbacus, of Media; Tiribazus, of the
    Phasians and Hesperites. Then some independent tribes--the
    Carduchians or Kurds, and Chalybes, and Chaldaeans, and Macrones,
    and Colchians, and Mossynoecians, and Coetians, and Tibarenians.
    Then Corylas, the governor of Paphlagonia; Pharnabazus, of the
    Bithynians; Seuthes, of the European Thracians. The entire
    journey, ascent and descent, consisted of two hundred and fifteen
    stages = one thousand one hundred and fifty-five parasangs =
    thirty-four thousand six hundred and fifty stades. Computed in
    time, the length of ascent and descent together amounted to one
    year and three months." The annotator apparently computes the
    distance from Ephesus to Cotyora.